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1913 Hackney, London 2007 PAS-867115 33 Llanbedrgoch Viking weights.jpg Llanbedrgoch Viking Finds 600–1000 Llanbedrgoch, Anglesey 2007 NMGW-C5EE45 34 Billingford Amulet.jpg Billingford Amulet 43–200 Billingford, Breckland, Norfolk 2003 NMS-7BEED8 35 Durham assemblage E.jpg Durham Assemblage 90–400 Piercebridge, County Durham 1986–2002 NCL-2C40A4 FAPJW-AB59E5 36 Langstone bronze bowls and wine strainer.jpg Langstone Hoard 25–75 Ringland, Newport 2007 NMGW-9C0216 37 Anarevitos gold stater.jpg Anarevito Gold Stater 10 BC – AD 20 Dover, Kent 2010 FASAM-FCD3A2 38 Hoard of Spanish-American Doubloons.jpg Hoard of Spanish-American Doubloons 1790–1801 North Kesteven, Lincolnshire 2010–2011 LIN-55BFE7 39 Beddingham Nose.jpg Beddingham Nose 1500–1700 Beddingham, East Sussex 2009 SUSS-05BC17 40 Putney spintria.jpg Putney Brothel Token 27 BC – 37 AD Putney, London 2011 LON-E98F21 41 Durham cloth seals.jpg Cloth Seals from Durham 1550–1650 Elvet, Durham, County Durham 2008 PUBLIC-9B0430 42 Figure of Cautopates.jpg Cautopates Figurine 43–307 Newton Kyme, North Yorkshire 2007 SWYOR-9FCBB3 43 Tanworth comb.jpg Tanworth Comb 25–70 Tanworth-in-Arden, Warwickshire 2006 WAW-250340 44 Rochester cufflink.jpg Rochester Cuff-link 1660–1700 Rochester, Kent 2001 BM-CAA2C7 45 George Humber's Distinguished Conduct Medal.jpg First World War Medal 1919 Limpsfield, Surrey 2009 SUR-5ADA50 46 Sedgeford gold torc and terminal.JPG Sedgeford Torc c.200 BC Sedgeford, Norfolk 2004 PAS-F070D5 47 Pitminster toy cannon.jpg Pitminster Toy Cannon 1700–1750 Pitminster, Somerset 2003 SOM-D20D91 48 Epsom Horse Harness.jpg Epsom Harness Boss 1603–1664 Epsom, Surrey 2009 SUR-23EF78 49 Hockley pendant.jpg Hockley Pendant 1500–1550 Hockley, Essex 2009 ESS-2C4836 50 Roman slave shackles.jpg Roman Slave Shackle 200–400 Headbourne Worthy, Hampshire 1992 HAMP-C45106 Objects submitted by viewers Sculpture of a winged lion with an open book showing the words Pax tibi, Marce, Evangelista meus on a Venetian building At the beginning of the series viewers were invited to submit photographs of objects that they had found in England or Wales, so that experts from the British Museum could select the most interesting object, to be announced during the final episode.[2][15] The viewer-submitted object chosen as the most interesting by the panel was a small medieval bronze ornament in the form of an open book that was found in a field by the Pilgrims' Way at Bentley, Hampshire in 1997 (PAS record: HAMP527). The open pages of the book are engraved with the Latin inscription Pax tibi, Marce, Evangelista meus meaning "Peace to you, Mark, my evangelist". The traditional symbol of the Republic of Venice and the city of Venice is a winged lion (symbol of

History The Morris water navigation task was conceived by Richard G. Morris (then at the University of St Andrews) in 1981 as an alternative to the radial maze.[10] The test was developed to study spatial learning and how it differed from other forms of associative learning.[11] Originally rats, now more commonly mice, were placed in an open pool and the latency to escape was measured for up to six trials a day for 2–14 days.[12] Several variables are used to evaluate an animal's performance. For example, a "probe trial" measures how long the test subject spends in the "target quadrant" (the quadrant with the hidden platform).[12] More elaborate trials alter the location of the hidden platform, or measure distance spent swimming in the pool before reaching the platform.[12] Over the years, many different versions of this test have been performed with a large amount of variables. For example, neuroscientists examine the effect of differences of sex, weight, strength, stress levels, age, and strain of species. The results vary dramatically, so researchers cannot draw conclusions unless these variables are kept constant.[1] Many different size pools have been used throughout the history of this task, but it has been shown that this does not have a significant impact on the results of the test.[13] In early versions of the task, researchers only timed latency to escape, however video tracking devices are now routinely used to measure the path to escape, time spent in each quadrant, and distance traveled in the pool.[14] Original experiment In Morris' first experiment, the apparatus was a large circular pool, 1.30 m across and 0.60 m high. The purpose of the original experiment was to show that spacial learning does not require the presence of local cues, meaning that rats can learn to locate an object without any auditory, visual, or olfactory cues.[15] Analysis The earliest measure of learning is escape latency, which is the time it takes to find the platform. However, this measure is confounded by swimming speed, not necessarily a cognitive factor and path length between point of origin and platform is a parameter more closely related to spatial learning.[16] Further parameters are the Gallagher measure,[17] the average distance to the platform, and the Whishaw corridor test,[citation needed] which measures time and path in a strip directly leading from swim-start to platform. Other parameters are measured during probe trials: the escape platform is removed and the mice or rats are allowed to search for it for a fixed time (often 60 seconds). Variables measured are time and path length in quadrants, time near platform, and platform crossings. Comparison to maze tasks Like other spatial tasks, such as the T-maze and radial arm maze, the Morris water navigation task is supposed to measure spatial memory, movement control, and cognitive mapping.[18][19] The T-maze and radial arm maze are much more structured in comparison.[20] The T-maze, for instance, only requires the rat or mouse to make a binary decision, choose left or right (or East or West). In the Morris water navigation task, on the other hand, the animal needs to decide continually where to go.[11] Another reason this task became popular is that rats (but not mice)[18] are natural swimmers, but dislike colder water (mice simply dislike water of any temperature), so in order to perform the task they do not need to be motivated by food deprivation or electrical shock.[11] The mobility of the platform allows for experiments on learning and relearning.[14] Also, the apparatus set-up and costs are relatively low.[14] Weaknesses When the searching times for the platform in the target quadrant are reduced in the probe trial, this is seen as direct evidence that the spatial memory of the mouse must be impaired. However, many times the reason for a lengthier amount of time spent looking for the platform, or the lack of searching in the target quadrant, has nothing to do with an effect on the mouse's spatial memory, but is actually due to other factors. A large study of performance in mice concluded that almost half of all variance in performance scores was due to differences in thigmotaxis, the tendency of animals to stay close to the walls of the pool. About 20% of the variability was explained by differing tendencies of mice to float passively in the water until "rescued" by the experimenter. Differences in spatial memory were only the third factor, explaining just 13% of the variation between animals' performance.[16] Molecular model of methylazoxymethanol acetate. Methylazoxymethanol acetate (MAM) is used during gestation to affect aspects of neural development. MAM selectively targets neuroblasts in the central nervous system. As neuroblasts are cells which become neurons, interfering with them using MAM inhibits the areas of the brain which are developing most quickly. The effects of MAM therefore depend on the stage of development at which it is administered, or the gestational age of the subject. In rat studies, administration of MAM at day 17 of gestation (GD17) results in several cognitive and anatomical changes which are common to schizophrenia patients. The thickness of the hippocampus and the thalamus are reduced, the locomotor effects of amphetamines and the spontaneous firing rate of dopominergic neurons in the ventral tegmental area are increased, and defects in working spacial memory are observed.[5][7] Social isolation Rats have a specific social organization within colonies. In social isolation models, pups which are placed in separate cages after being weaned show behavioural changes as adults and altered neural development. These changes remain after being re-introduced into the colony in adulthood. The behavioural deficits caused include neophobia, a larger response to new stimulus, locomotor hyperactivity, and increased aggression. Social isolation rats' inability to habituate to new environments may be caused by an increased mesolimbic dopaminergic activity.[5] Genetic models Studies involving twins have shown that schizophrenia is a heritable disease. While no one gene is responsible for the disease, a large number of possible genes have been identified. Genetic animal models of schizophrenia often involve knockout mice, genetically modified mice where one or more of these genes is removed or disrupted.[5] DISC1 Disrupted in schizophrenia 1 (DISC1) was one of the first genes discovered to be involved in schizophrenia. As of 2011, seven different strains of DISC1 mouse models had been developed. As in schizophrenia patients, DISC1 mice have an increased lateral ventricle size, reduced cortical size, changes to the hippocampus, and changes to prepulse inhibition of startle which are reversed on treatment with haloperidol and clozapine.[5] One DISC1 mouse model is induced by the mutagenic chemical ENU. ENU introduces missense point mutations; screening for mutations in a particular exon of DISC1 can produce mouse models with schizophrenia-like behavioural deficits.[8] Neuregulin 1 and associated genes The gene NRG1 codes for neuregulin 1, a growth factor which is crucial to the development of the nervous system, and to neurotransmission and formation of synapses in adults. NRG1 and the gene for the receptor to which neuregulin 1 binds, ERBB4, have been tested as possible animal models of schizophrenia. While mice which have two copies of (are homozygous for) a knocked out version of NRG1 do not survive, viable animal models have been developed using heterozygous or partial knockout. One such mouse model is the heterozygous removal of the EGF-like domain on neuregulin 1, these models are called Nrg1(?EGF)+/- mice. Nrg1(?EGF)+/- mice have been shown to have social interaction problems, reduced prepulse of inhibition and larger spontaneous locomotion. Other neuregulin 1 models include the heterozygous removal of the transmembrane domain (Nrg1(?TM)+/- mice) and the immunoglobulin domain (Nrg1(?Ig)+/- mice). Nrg1(?TM)+/- mice display hyperactivity in various conditions, an effect which is reduced by the atypical antipsychotic clozapine.[5] Dysbindin Dysbindin is a protein coded for by the gene DTNBP1, which has been linked to schizophrenia.[2] Dysbindin may be involved in the changes to neurotransmission observed in patients with schizophrenia. According to SA Jones et al, DTNBP1 is "currently thought to be one of the most promising candidate genes for schizophrenia susceptibility".[5] One naturally occurring animal model involving dysbindin, the sdy (sandy) mouse, has a number of anatomical changes compared to normal mice, including changes to the hippocampus. Sdy mice have homozygous mutations to DTNBP1, and lack the ability to produce dysbindin, heterozygous mutants can be produced by crossing sdy mice with a strain of normal mice.[5] Reelin File:Reeler 100kbps.ogg Reeler mouse. Reelin is a protein which is involved in synaptic plasticity and synaptogenesis in the brain. In the frontal cortices, cerebellums, and hippocampi of schizophrenia patients, the amount of the protein and its messenger RNA are reduced. Knockout mice in which the reelin gene is disrupted are called reeler mice. In homozygous reeler mice, extreme changes in gait and other behavioural anomalies are seen (illustrated in video); these changes go beyond those associated with schizophrenia.[5] Heterozygous reeler mice display lower social dominance in some tests, but other social deficits seen in schizophrenia are absent.[9] Reeler mice also have schizophrenia-like anatomical defects in the frontal cortex, but have few cognitive defects which are associated with that area and found in schizophrenia. Tests using the Morris water maze have found that reeler mice do not have the abnormalities in spatial reference memory which are found in patients with schizophrenia.[5] Other genetic models G72/G30 The G72/G30 gene complex is a possible risk factor for schizophrenia; male animal mutants have less aggressive behaviours and have olfactory abnormalities.[9] PPP3CC PPP3CC is a gene in which mutations are risk factors for schizophrenia; knockout animal models have social deficits.[9] History Main article: History of schizophrenia In the early 20th century, the psychiatrist Kurt Schneider listed the forms of psychotic symptoms that he thought distinguished schizophrenia from other psychotic disorders. These are called first-rank symptoms or Schneider's first-rank symptoms. They include delusions of being controlled by an external force; the belief that thoughts are being inserted into or withdrawn from one's conscious mind; the belief that one's thoughts are being broadcast to other people; and hearing hallucinatory voices that comment on one's thoughts or actions or that have a conversation with other hallucinated voices.[138] Although they have significantly contributed to the current diagnostic criteria, the specificity of first-rank symptoms has been questioned. A review of the diagnostic studies conducted between 1970 and 2005 found that they allow neither a reconfirmation nor a rejection of Schneider's claims, and suggested that first-rank symptoms should be de-emphasized in future revisions of diagnostic systems.[139] The history of schizophrenia is complex and does not lend itself easily to a linear narrative.[140] Accounts of a schizophrenia-like syndrome are thought to be rare in historical records before the 19th century, although reports of irrational, unintelligible, or uncontrolled behavior were common. A detailed case report in 1797 concerning James Tilly Matthews, and accounts by Phillipe Pinel published in 1809, are often regarded as the earliest cases of the illness in the medical and psychiatric literature.[141] The Latinized term dementia praecox was first used by German alienist Heinrich Schule in 1886 and then in 1891 by Arnold Pick in a case report of a psychotic disorder (hebephrenia). In 1893 Emil Kraepelin borrowed the term from Schule and Pick and in 1899 introduced a broad new distinction in the classification of mental disorders between dementia praecox and mood disorder (termed manic depression and including both unipolar and bipolar depression).[142] Kraepelin believed that dementia praecox was probably caused by a long-term, smouldering systemic or "whole body" disease process that affected many organs and peripheral nerves in the body but which affected the brain after puberty in a final decisive cascade.[143] His use of the term "praecox" distinguished it from other forms of dementia such as Alzheimer's disease which typically occur later in life.[144] It is sometimes argued that the use of the term démence précoce in 1852 by the French physician Bénédict Morel constitutes the medical discovery of schizophrenia. However this account ignores the fact that there is little to connect Morel's descriptive use of the term and the independent development of the dementia praecox disease concept at the end of the nineteenth-century.[145] Molecule of chlorpromazine (trade name Thorazine), which revolutionized treatment of schizophrenia in the 1950s The word schizophrenia—which translates roughly as "splitting of the mind" and comes from the Greek roots schizein (s???e??, "to split") and phren, phren- (f???, f?e?-, "mind")[146]—was coined by Eugen Bleuler in 1908 and was intended to describe the separation of function between personality, thinking, memory, and perception. American and British interpretations of Beuler led to the claim that he described its main symptoms as 4 A's: flattened Affect, Autism, impaired Association of ideas and Ambivalence.[147][148] Bleuler realized that the illness was not a dementia, as some of his patients improved rather than deteriorated, and thus proposed the term schizophrenia instead. Treatment was revolutionized in the mid-1950s with the development and introduction of chlorpromazine.[149] In the early 1970s, the diagnostic criteria for schizophrenia were the subject of a number of controversies which eventually led to the operational criteria used today. It became clear after the 1971 US-UK Diagnostic Study that schizophrenia was diagnosed to a far greater extent in America than in Europe.[150] This was partly due to looser diagnostic criteria in the US, which used the DSM-II manual, contrasting with Europe and its ICD-9. David Rosenhan's 1972 study, published in the journal Science under the title "On being sane in insane places", concluded that the diagnosis of schizophrenia in the US was often subjective and unreliable.[151] These were some of the factors leading to the revision not only of the diagnosis of schizophrenia, but the revision of the whole DSM manual, resulting in the publication of the DSM-III in 1980.[152] The term schizophrenia is commonly misunderstood to mean that affected persons have a "split personality". Although some people diagnosed with schizophrenia may hear voices and may experience the voices as distinct personalities, schizophrenia does not involve a person changing among distinct multiple personalities. The confusion arises in part due to the literal interpretation of Bleuler's term schizophrenia (Bleuler originally associated Schizophrenia with dissociation and included split personality in his category of Schizophrenia[153][154]). Dissociative identity disorder (having a "split personality") was also often misdiagnosed as Schizophrenia based on the loose criteria in the DSM-II.[154][155] The first known misuse of the term to mean "split personality" was in an article by the poet T. S. Eliot in 1933.[156] Other scholars have traced earlier roots.[157] Society and culture See also: List of people with schizophrenia and Religion and schizophrenia The term schizophrenia was coined by Eugen Bleuler. In 2002 the term for schizophrenia in Japan was changed from Seishin-Bunretsu-Byo ????? (mind-split-disease) to Togo-shitcho-sho ????? (integration disorder) to reduce stigma.[158] The new name was inspired by the biopsychosocial model; it increased the percentage of patients who were informed of the diagnosis from 37 to 70% over three years.[159] A similar change was made in South Korea in 2012.[160] In the United States, the cost of schizophrenia—including direct costs (outpatient, inpatient, drugs, and long-term care) and non-health care costs (law enforcement, reduced workplace productivity, and unemployment)—was estimated to be $62.7 billion in 2002.[161] The book and film A Beautiful Mind chronicles the life of John Forbes Nash, a Nobel Prize-winning mathematician who was diagnosed with schizophrenia. Violence Individuals with severe mental illness including schizophrenia are at a significantly greater risk of being victims of both violent and non-violent crime.[162] Schizophrenia has been associated with a higher rate of violent acts, although this is primarily due to higher rates of drug use.[163] Rates of homicide linked to psychosis are similar to those linked to substance misuse, and parallel the overall rate in a region.[164] What role schizophrenia has on violence independent of drug misuse is controversial, but certain aspects of individual histories or mental states may be factors.[165] Media coverage relating to violent acts by individuals with schizophrenia reinforces public perception of an association between schizophrenia and violence.[163] In a large, representative sample from a 1999 study, 12.8% of Americans believed that individuals with schizophrenia were "very likely" to do something violent against others, and 48.1% said that they were "somewhat likely" to. Over 74% said that people with schizophrenia were either "not very able" or "not able at all" to make decisions concerning their treatment, and 70.2% said the same of money management decisions.[166] The perception of individuals with psychosis as violent has more than doubled in prevalence since the 1950s, according to one meta-analysis.[167] Research directions See also: Animal models of schizophrenia Research has found a tentative benefit in using minocycline to treat schizophrenia.[168] Nidotherapy or efforts to change the environment of people with schizophrenia to improve their ability to function, is also being studied; however, there is not enough evidence yet to make conclusions about its effectiveness.[169] Negative symptoms have proven a challenge to treat as they are generally not made better by medication. Various agents have been explored for possible benefits in this area.[170] There have been trials on drugs with anti-inflammatory activity, based on the premise that inflammation might play a role in the pathology of schizophrenia Due to the suspicious and troublesome personality traits of paranoia, it is unlikely that someone with paranoia will thrive in interpersonal relationships. Most commonly paranoid individuals tend to be of a single status.[13] According to some research there is a hierarchy for paranoia. The least common types of paranoia at the very top of the hierarchy would be those involving more serious threats. Social anxiety is at the bottom of this hierarchy as the most frequently exhibited level of paranoia.[14] Causes Social and environmental Social circumstances appear to be highly influential on paranoid beliefs. Based on data collected by means of a mental health survey distributed to residents of Juarez, Mexico and El Paso, Texas, Paranoid beliefs seem to be associated with feelings of powerlessness and victimization, enhanced by social situations. Potential causes of these effects included a sense of believing in external control, and mistrust which can be strengthened by lower socioeconomic status. Those living in a lower socioeconomic status may feel less in control of their own lives. In addition, this study explains that females have the tendency to believe in external control at a higher rate than males, potentially making females more susceptible to mistrust and the effects of socioeconomic status on paranoia.[15] Emanuel Messinger reports that surveys have revealed that those exhibiting paranoia can evolve from parental relationships and dis-trustworthy environments. These environments could include being very disciplinary, stringent, and unstable. It was even noted that, "indulging and pampering (thereby impressing the child that he is something special and warrants special privileges)," can be contributing backgrounds.[16] Experiences likely to enhance or manifest the symptoms of paranoia include increased rates of disappointment, stress, and a hopeless state of mind.[17] Discrimination has also been reported as a potential predictor of paranoid delusions. Such reports that paranoia seemed to appear more in older patients that had experienced higher levels of discrimination throughout their lives. In addition to this it has been noted that immigrants are quite susceptible to forms of psychosis. This could be due to the aforementioned effects of discriminatory events and humiliation.[18] Physical A paranoid reaction may be caused from a decline in brain circulation as a result of high blood pressure or hardening of the arterial walls.[16] Based on data obtained by the Dutch NEMISIS project in 2005, there was an association between impaired hearing and the onset of symptoms of psychosis, which was based on a five-year follow up. Some older studies have actually declared that a state of paranoia can be produced in patients that were under a hypnotic state of deafness. This idea however generated much skepticism during its time.[19] Theories and mechanisms Abnormal reasoning Many researchers[who?] like to believe that individuals with paranoia have some sort of cognitive deficit or impairment in reasoning ability. Studies have shown that there may not be a direct relationship between the impairments and psychotic delusions, but they rather impact other areas of an individual's life, such as social circumstances which can be important factors for delusions. Other research has shown that cognitive abilities may be altered when threats are involved.[20] This appears to be a common theme among those exhibiting psychotic delusions. An investigation involving one-hundred delusional patients did indeed reveal that these individuals may have a tendency to jump to conclusions rather than look for other potential information.[21] Anomalous perceptual experiences A very prominent example of this theory is the Capgras delusion or syndrome named after the psychiatrist Joseph Capgras.[22] This involves an individual perceiving that a certain important person within their life has been taken over by an impersonator. Ellis and Young (1990) report that the Capgras delusion may be a result of an impaired ability of recognition such as brain damage.[19] Those suffering from the Capgras syndrome tend to have more suspicious personalities and have unusual visualizations about the world and surrounding environments.[23] Hyper-acute attention is said to be more common in those with paranoia by being able to attend to unfavorable emotions at a higher level. It is also likely that because paranoid personalities focus on threatening events and believe that most intentions are against them, they will be more inclined to recognize these behaviors more frequently.[20] Motivational factors The attribution model has been well talked about regarding paranoid or delusional individuals. The idea is that they like to assign issues to external events. Motivation behind this characteristic may involve the need for that person to develop a better self-image and maintain self-confidence. There have been debates about whether or not paranoid individuals are more likely to have a low or high self-perception, and results have been generated for both of these hypotheses.[24] Researchers have made a distinction between positive self-esteem and negative self-esteem revealing that paranoid delusional individuals have more of a negative self-evaluation.[25] Violence and paranoia It has generally been agreed upon that individuals with paranoid delusions will have the tendency to take action based on their beliefs.[26] More research is needed on the particular types of actions that are pursued based on paranoid delusions. Some researchers have made attempts to distinguish the different variations of actions brought on as a result of delusions. Wessely et al. (1993) did just this by studying individuals with delusions of which more than half had reportedly taken action or behaved as a result of these delusions. However, the overall actions were not of a violent nature in most of the informants. The authors note that other studies such as one by Taylor (1985), have shown that violent behaviors were more common in certain types of paranoid individuals, mainly those with a history of being offensive such as prisoners.[27] Other researchers have found associations between childhood abusive behaviors and the appearance of violent behaviors in psychotic individuals. This could be a result of their inability to cope with aggression as well as other people, especially when constantly attending to potential threats in their environment.[28] The attention to threat itself has been proposed as one of the major contributors of violent actions in paranoid people, although there has been much deliberation about this as well.[29] Other studies have shown that there may only be certain types of delusions that promote any violent behaviors, persecutory delusions seem to be one of these.[30] Having resentful emotions towards others and the inability to be able to understand what other people are feeling seem to have an association with violence in paranoid individuals. This was based on a study of paranoid schizophrenic's (one of the common mental disorders that exhibit paranoid symptoms) theory of mind capabilities in relation to empathy. The results of this study revealed specifically that although the violent patients were more successful at the higher level theory of mind tasks, they were not as good at being able to interpret others feelings Main article: Video game controversy There have been calls to regulate violence in video games for nearly as long as the video game industry has existed, with Death Race a notable early example.[36][37] In the 1990s, however, improvements in video game technology allowed for more lifelike depictions of violence in games like Mortal Kombat and Doom. The industry attracted controversy over violent content and concerns about effects they might have on players, generating frequent media stories drawing connections between video games and violent behavior as well as a number of academic studies reporting conflicting findings about the strength of correlations.[36] According to Christopher Ferguson, sensationalist media reports and the scientific community unintentionally worked together in "promoting an unreasonable fear of violent video games".[38] Concerns from parts of the public about violent games led to cautionary, often exaggerated news stories, warnings from politicians and other public figures, and calls for research to prove the connection, which in turn led to studies "speaking beyond the available data and allowing the promulgation of extreme claims without the usual scientific caution and skepticism."[38] Since the 1990s there have been attempts to regulate violent video games in the United States through congressional bills as well as within the industry.[36] Public concern and media coverage of violent video games reached a high point following the Columbine High School massacre in 1999, after which videos were found of the perpetrators talking about violent games like Doom and making comparisons between the acts they intended to carry out and aspects of games.[38][36] Ferguson and others have explained the video game moral panic as part of a cycle that all new media go through.[39][40][38] In 2011, the Supreme Court ruled that legally restricting sales of video games to minors would be unconstitutional and called the research presented in favor of regulation "unpersuasive."[38] 1970s–present: Crime increase Research shows that fears of increasing crime is often the cause of moral panics (Cohen, 1972; Hall et al. 1978; Goode and Ben-Yehuda 1994). Recent studies have shown that despite declining crime rates, this phenomenon, which often taps into a populations' "herd mentality," continues to occur in various cultures. Japanese jurist Koichi Hamai explains how the changes in crime recording in Japan since the 1990s caused people to believe that the crime rate is rising and that crimes were getting increasingly severe.[41] 1970s–present: War on drugs Some critics have pointed to moral panic as an explanation for the War on Drugs. For example, a Royal Society of Arts commission concluded that "the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971, ... is driven more by 'moral panic' than by a practical desire to reduce harm."[8] Some have written that one of the many rungs supporting the moral panic behind the war on drugs was a separate but related moral panic, which peaked in the late 90's, involving media's gross exaggeration of the frequency of the surreptitious use of date rape drugs.[42][43][44] News media have been criticized for advocating "grossly excessive protective measures for women, particularly in coverage between 1996 and 1998", for overstating the threat, and for excessively raising it in women's minds for the rest of their lives.[43] For example, showing excessive concerns extending even into the late 2000s, a 2009 Australian study found that of 97 instances of patients admitted to the hospital believing their drinks might have been spiked, drug panel tests were unable to detect any drug in any of the cases.[45] Criticism In a more recent edition of Folk Devils and Moral Panics, Cohen outlines some of the criticisms that have arisen in response to moral panic theory. One of these is of the term "panic" itself, as it has connotations of irrationality and a lack of control. Cohen maintains that "panic" is a suitable term when used as an extended metaphor.[4] Another criticism is that of disproportionality. The problem with this argument is that there is no way to measure what a proportionate reaction should be to a specific action.[4]:xxvi–xxxi Jarrett Thibodeaux (2014) further argues that the criteria of disproportionality erroneously assumes that a social problem should correspond with some objective criteria of harm. The idea that a social problem should correspond with some objective criteria of harm, but is a moral panic when it does not, is a 'constructionism of the gaps' line of explanation.[46] In "Rethinking 'moral panic' for multi-mediated social worlds", Angela McRobbie and Sarah Thornton argue "that it is now time that every stage in the process of constructing a moral panic, as well as the social relations which support it, should be revised". Their argument is that mass media has changed since the concept of moral panic emerged so "that 'folk devils' are less marginalized than they once were", and that 'folk devils' are not only castigated by mass media but supported and defended by it as well. They also suggest that the "points of social control" that moral panics used to rest on "have undergone some degree of shift, if not transformation."[47] The British criminologist Yvonne Jewkes has also raised issue with the term 'morality', how it is accepted unproblematically in the concept of 'moral panic' and how most research into moral panics fails to approach the term critically but instead accepts it at face value.[48] Jewkes goes on to argue that the thesis and the way it has been used fails to distinguish between crimes that quite rightly offend human morality, and thus elicit a justifiable reaction, and those that demonise minorities. The public are not sufficiently gullible to keep accepting the latter and allowing themselves to be manipulated by the media and the government.[48] Another British criminologist, Steve Hall, goes a step further to suggest that the term 'moral panic' is a fundamental category error. Hall argues that although some crimes are sensationalized by the media, in the general structure of the crime/control narrative the ability of the existing state and criminal justice system to protect the public is also overstated. Public concern is whipped up only for the purpose of being soothed, which produces not panic but the opposite, comfort and complacency.[49] Echoing another point Hall makes, the sociologists Thompson and Williams argue that the concept of 'moral panic' is not a rational response to the phenomenon of social reaction, but itself a product of the irrational middle-class fear of the imagined working-class 'mob'. Using as an example a peaceful and lawful protest staged by local mothers against the re-housing of sex-offenders on their estate, Thompson and Williams show how the sensationalist demonization of the protestors by moral panic theorists and the liberal press was just as irrational as the demonization of the sex offenders by the protesters and the tabloid press.[50] Many sociologists and criminologist (Ungar, Hier, Rohloff) have revised Cohen's original framework. The revisions are compatible with the way in which Cohen theorizes panics in the third Introduction to Folk Devils and Moral The neutrality of this section is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until conditions to do so are met. (July 2015) Main articles: Identity politics, Strategic essentialism and Ethnic essentialism In social and political debate, the critique of essentialism arose from post-modernist theory, according to which the essentialist view on gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, or other group characteristics is that they are fixed traits, discounting variation among group members as secondary. In "The ‘Authentic, Essentialist, Deeply Spiritual’ Other" Linda Smith (2011) writes that “Pedagogically, essentialism was attacked because of its assumption that, because of this essence, it was necessary to be a woman and to experience life as a woman before one could analyse or understand women’s oppression" (p76). Contemporary proponents of identity politics, including feminism, gay rights, and/or racial equality activists, generally take (supposedly) constructionist viewpoints that may still rest on an essential assumption that a preconceived historical 'fact' is 'truth'. For example, they (may) agree with Simone de Beauvoir that "one is not born, but becomes a woman".[30] As 'essence' may imply permanence, some argue that essentialist thinking tends towards political conservatism and therefore opposes social change. Following Rosi Braidotti, Timothy Laurie suggests that 'the “female feminist subject” is not a default partisan perspective inherent in “woman” but an intersection of complex desires and social transformations that exceed any single ideological formulation or identitarian alliance', and that being a feminist 'can only make sense as a relational and social practice'.[31] Nevertheless, essentialist claims have provided useful rallying-points for radical politics, including feminist, anti-racist, and anti-colonial struggles.[citation needed] Examples of books that seek to question various theories and claims of gender essentialism include: The Daddy Shift, by Jeremy Adam Smith; Pink Brain/Blue Brain by Dr. Lise Eliot; and Delusions of Gender by Cordelia Fine In social thought, metaphysical essentialism is often conflated with biological reductionism. Most sociologists, for example, employ a distinction between biological sex and gender role. Similar distinctions across disciplines generally fall under the division of "nature versus nurture". However, this has been contested by Monique Wittig, who argued that even biological sex is not an essence, and that the body's physiology is "caught up" in processes of social construction.[32] In historiography Essentialism in history as a field of study entails discerning and listing essential cultural characteristics of a particular nation or culture, in the belief that a people or culture can be understood in this way. Sometimes such essentialism leads to claims of a praiseworthy national or cultural identity, or to its opposite, the condemnation of a culture based on presumed essential characteristics. Herodotus, for example, claims that Egyptian culture is essentially feminized and possesses a "softness" which has made Egypt easy to conquer.[33] To what extent Herodotus was an essentialist is a matter of debate; he is also credited with not essentializing the concept of the Athenian identity,[34] or differences between the Greeks and the Persians that are the subject of his Histories[35] Essentialism had been operative in colonialism as well as in critiques of colonialism. Post-colonial theorists such as Edward Said insisted that essentialism was the "defining mode" of "Western" historiography and ethnography until the nineteenth century and even after, according to Touraj Atabaki, manifesting itself in the historiography of the Middle East and Central Asia as Eurocentrism, over-generalization, and reductionism.[36] Most historians reject essentialism because it "dehistoricizes the process of social and cultural changes" and tends to see non-Western societies as historically unchanging; in India this led to the anti-essentialist (even anti-historiographical) school of Subaltern Studies.[37] Criticism Typically, critics of queer theory are concerned that the approach obscures or glosses altogether the material conditions that underpin discourse.[35] Tim Edwards argues that queer theory extrapolates too broadly from textual analysis in undertaking an examination of the social.[35] Adam Green argues that queer theory ignores the social and institutional conditions within which lesbians and gays live.[36] For example, queer theory dismantles social contingency in some cases (homosexual subject positions) while recuperating social contingency in others (racialized subject positions). Thus, not all queer theoretical work is as faithful to its deconstructionist roots. Reflecting on this issue, Timothy Laurie suggests that "the desire to resist norms in some contemporary queer scholarship can never be entirely reconciled with an equally important challenge, that of producing both adequate and dynamic descriptions of ordinary events".[37] Queer theory's commitment to deconstruction makes it nearly impossible to speak of a "lesbian" or "gay" subject, since all social categories are denaturalized and reduced to discourse.[38] Thus, queer theory cannot be a framework for examining selves or subjectivities—including those that accrue by race and class—but rather, must restrict its analytic focus to discourse.[39] Hence, sociology and queer theory are regarded as methodologically and epistemologically incommensurable frameworks[39] by critics such as Adam Isaiah Green. Thus Green writes that, in an introductory section,[40] Michael Warner (1990s) draws out the possibility of queer theory as a kind of critical intervention in social theory (radical deconstructionism); despite this, he weaves back and forth between the reification and deconstruction of sexual identity. Green argues that Warner begins the volume by invoking an ethnic identity politics, solidified around a specific social cleavage and a discussion of the importance of deconstructing notions of lesbian and gay identities; but, despite its radical deconstructionism, it constructs the queer subject or self in largely conventional terms: as lesbian and gay people bound by homophobic institutions and practices. So, one of the leading volumes of queer theory engages the subject via conventional sociological epistemologies that conceive of subject positions constituted through systems of stratification and organized around shared experience and identity. In other way, for Ian Barnard,[41] any consideration of sexuality must include inextricability with racialized subjectivities. Adam Green argues that Barnard implicitly rejects the queer theoretical conceptions of sexuality on the grounds that such work fails to account for particularity of racialized sexualities. He reasons that the failure arises because queer theorists are themselves white, and therefore operate from the particularity of a white racial standpoint. Barnard aspires to recuperate an analysis of race in queer theory, proposing that the deconstructionist epistemology of queer theory can be used to decompose a white queerness (first) in order to recover a racialized queerness (second). Thus, Adam Green argues that Barnard’s attempt to bring social contingency into queer theory violates the core epistemological premise of queer theory; in fact, by proposing that queer theory capture racialized subject positions, Barnard reinstates what it means to be a person of colour. His critique of the white subject position of queer theorists is itself a testimony to the stability of the social order and the power of social categories to mark a particular kind of experience, of subjectivity and, in turn, of queer author. He backs down the road of a decidedly sociological analysis of subject position and the self. Finally, Jagose[42] Green observes that Jagose aims toward an analysis of social cleavages, including those accruing by race and ethnicity. Thus, on the one, Jagose underscores the strong deconstructionist epistemological premise of the term queer and queer theory more generally. Yet, she goes on to analyze identities and sexualities "inflected by heterosexuality, race, gender and ethnicity". Thus Adam Green states that by advocating the incorporation of social contingency in this way, Jagose offers neither the critical edge of queer theory nor the clarity of standpoint theory. However, on the topic of race, Jagose asserted that for a black lesbian, the thing of utmost importance is her lesbianism, rather than her race. Many gays and lesbians of color attacked this approach, accusing it of re-inscribing an essentially white identity into the heart of gay or lesbian identity (Jagose, 1996).[43] The criticism of queer theory can be divided in three main ideas:[44] It has a failing itineration, the "subjectless critique" of queer studies The unsustainable analysis of this failing self The methodological implication that scholars of sexuality end up reiterating and consolidating social categories Foucault's account of the modern construction of the homosexual, a starting point for much work in queer theory, is itself challenged by Rictor Norton, using the Molly House as one counter-example of a distinctly homosexual subculture before 1836.[45] He critiques the idea that people distinctly identifying in ways now associated with being gay did not exist before the medical construction of homosexual pathology in his book The Myth of the Modern Homosexual.[46] Queer theory underestimates the Foucauldian insight that power produces not just constraint, but also, pleasure, according to Barry Adam (2000) and Adam Isaiah Green (2010). Adam suggests that sexual identity categories, such as "gay", can have the effect of expanding the horizon of what is imaginable in a same-sex relationship, including a richer sense of the possibilities of same-sex love and dyadic commitment.[47] And Green argues that queer is itself an identity category that some self-identified "queer theorists" and "queer activists" use to consolidate a subject-position outside of the normalizing regimes of gender and sexuality.[48] These examples call into question the degree to which identity categories need be thought of as negative, in the evaluative sense of that term, as they underscore the self-determining potentials of the care of the self – an idea advanced first by Foucault in Volumes II and III of The History of Sexuality. The role of queer theory, and specifically its replacement of historical and sociological scholarship on lesbian and gay people's lives with the theorising of lesbian and gay issues, and the displacement of gay and lesbian studies by gender and queer studies, has been criticised by activist and writer Larry Kramer.[49][50][51] Kramer reports on a retrograde book by Richard Godbeer, a professor of history and gender studies at the University of Miami, called The Overflowing of Friendship. Kramer criticizes Godbeer’s account of 18th century Colonial times. Kramer writes, "Godbeer is hell-bent on convincing us that two men in Colonial America could have exceedingly obsessive and passionate relationships (he called them, variously, 'sentimental,' 'loving,' 'romantic') . . . [men would] spend many a night in bed together talking their hearts out, without the issue of sex arising in any way."[52] Kramer does not agree with this theory and believes that the notion the same-sex sexual relationships and experiences existed. Another criticism is that queer theory, in part because it typically has recourse to a very technical jargon, is written by a narrow elite for that narrow elite. It is therefore class biased and also, in practice, only really known and referenced at universities and colleges (Malinowitz, 1993).[43] An initial criticism on queer theory is that precisely "queer" does not refer to any specific sexual status or gender object choice. For example, Halperin (1995)[43] allows that straight persons may be "queer," which some believe, robs gays and lesbians of the distinctiveness of what causes them to be marginalized. It desexualizes identity, when the issue is precisely about a sexual identity (Jagose, 1996).[43] Defeated in he was the longest serving member of the lower house of the Diet and he was also the first former prime minister to be defeated at a re election since Served as Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary – Minister of Education – – Member of the Diet from to Kiichi Miyazawa ?? ?? Miyazawa Kiichi – Rep for Hiroshima rd November August LDP Jiminto Kiichi Reshuffle LDP — Originally a bureaucrat in the Treasury Ministry he accompanied Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida at the Treaty of San Francisco A firm critic of the revision of the constitution he advocated peace throughout his political career After his party s stunning defeat in the general election he was forced to resign the Prime Ministership but became Minister of Finance in the cabinet of Keizo Obuchi and Yoshiro Mori from to He died in Served as Minister of Economy Trade and Industry – – – – Chief Cabinet Secretary – Minister of Finance – Minister of Posts and Telecommunications and Minister of Agriculture Forestry and Fisheries Member of the House of Councillors – Symbols Flag Coat of Arms Notable people Gallery See also References External links History edit The city of Yauco was named after the river Yauco which was originally known as coayuco by the Taínos meaning "yucca plantation" The area of Yauco was considered as the capital of "Boriken" Taíno name of Puerto Rico and was governed by Agüeybana the most powerful Taíno "cacique" chief in the island All the other Caciques were subject to and had to obey Agüeybaná even though they governed their own tribes Upon Agüeybaná s death in his nephew Güeybaná also known as Agüeybaná II became the most powerful Cacique in the island Agüeybaná II had his doubts about the "godly" status of the Spaniards He came up with a plan to test these doubts he and Urayoán cacique of Añasco sent some of their tribe members to lure a Spaniard by the name of Diego Salcedo into a river and drown him They watched over Salcedo s body to make sure that he would not resuscitate Salcedo s death was enough to convince him and the rest of the Taíno people that the Spaniards were not gods This in turn led to the failed Taíno rebellion of In the Spanish settlers of the region built a small chapel and named it "Nuestra Señora del Santísimo Rosario" Our Lady of the Rosary The settlers sent Fernando Pacheco as their representative to the Spanish Government to request the establishment of a municipality since one of the requisites to such a request the establishment of a place of worship had been met On February the King of Spain granted the settlers their request and the town of Yauco was established Fernando Pacheco was named First Lieutenant of War of the new town th century Corsican immigration edit Early Yauco Coffee Plantation Pre Main article Corsican immigration to Puerto Rico The island of Puerto Rico is very similar in geography to the island of Corsica and therefore appealed to the many Corsicans who wanted to start a "new" life Under the Spanish Royal Decree of Graces the Corsicans and other immigrants were granted land and initially given a "Letter of Domicile" after swearing loyalty to the Spanish Crown and allegiance to the Catholic Church After five years they could request a "Letter of Naturalization" that would make them Spanish subjects Hundreds of Corsicans and their families immigrated to Puerto Rico from as early as and their numbers peaked in the s The first Spanish settlers settled and owned the land in the coastal areas the Corsicans tended to settle the mountainous southwestern region of the island primary in the towns of Adjuntas Lares Utuado Ponce Coamo Yauco Guayanilla and Guánica However it was Yauco whose rich agricultural area attracted the majority of the Corsican settlers The three main crops in Yauco were coffee sugar cane and tobacco The new settlers dedicated themselves to the cultivation of these crops and within a short period of time some were even able to own and operate their own grocery stores However it was with the cultivation of the coffee bean that they would make their fortunes Cultivation of coffee in Yauco originally began in the Rancheras and Diego Hernández sectors and later extended to the Aguas Blancas Frailes and Rubias sectors The Mariani family created a machine out of a cotton gin in the s which was used in the dehusking of coffee This represented a significant improvement in Puerto Rico s coffee appearance and an opportunity to stand out in the international coffee market By the s the Corsican settlers were the leaders of the coffee industry in Puerto Rico and seven out of ten coffee plantations were owned by Corsicans Intentona de Yauco edit Flag flown by Fidel Vélez and his men during the "Intentona de Yauco" revoltMain article Intentona de Yauco The second and last major revolt against Spanish colonial rule in Puerto Rico by Puerto Rico s pro independence movement known as the Intentona de Yauco a k a the "Attempted Coup of Yauco" was staged in Yauco The revolt which occurred on of March was organized by Antonio Mattei Lluberas Mateo Mercado and Fidel Vélez and was backed up by leaders of "El Grito de Lares" the first major independence attempt who were in exile in New York City as members of the Puerto Rican Revolutionary Committee Humanities scholar Camille Paglia—while not objecting to the study of homosexuality, bisexuality, or other queer subjects per se—has been harshly critical of queer theory's post-structuralist roots, which she regards as generally unscholarly. She has described prominent queer theorists as "flimflamming freeloaders Critical ethnography Critical legal studies Critical management studies Critical pedagogy Critical philosophy Critical psychiatry Critical psychology Critical race theory Critical thinking Critique of technology Cultural materialism (cultural studies) Cultural studies Culture theory Engaged theory Feminist theory Foucault–Habermas debate Hermeneutics Living educational theory Humanist Marxism Literary theory Political philosophy Political radicalism Postcolonialism Rule according to higher law Semiotics of culture Social criticism Tartu-Moscow Semiotics School Queer Theory Journals related and/or dedicated to critical theory or critical sociology Constellations Representations Critical Inquiry Telos Law & Critique This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (July 2012) Further information: New Left and Critical theory A number of different philosophical and historical schools, often grouped together as "postmodernism", began reinterpreting scientific achievements of the past through the lens of the practitioners, often positing the influence of politics and economics in the development of scientific theories in addition to scientific observations. Rather than being presented as working entirely from positivistic observations, many scientists of the past were scrutinized for their connection to issues of gender, sexual orientation, race, and class. Some more radical philosophers, such as Paul Feyerabend, argued that scientific theories were themselves incoherent and that other forms of knowledge production (such as those used in religion) served the material and spiritual needs of their practitioners with equal validity as did scientific explanations. Imre Lakatos advanced a midway view between the "postmodernist" and "realist" camps. For Lakatos, scientific knowledge is progressive; however, it progresses not by a strict linear path where every new element builds upon and incorporates every other, but by an approach where a "core" of a "research program" is established by auxiliary theories which can themselves be falsified or replaced without compromising the core. Social conditions and attitudes affect how strongly one attempts to resist falsification for the core of a program, but the program has an objective status based on its relative explanatory power. Resisting falsification only becomes ad-hoc and damaging to knowledge when an alternate program with greater explanatory power is rejected in favor of another with less. But because it is changing a theoretical core, which has broad ramifications for other areas of study, accepting a new program is also revolutionary as well as progressive. Thus, for Lakatos the character of science is that of being both revolutionary and progressive; both socially informed and objectively justified. The science wars In Higher Superstition: The Academic Left and Its Quarrels With Science (1994), the scientists Paul R. Gross and Norman Levitt accused postmodernists of anti-intellectualism, presented the shortcomings of relativism, and suggested that postmodernists knew little about the scientific theories they criticized and practiced poor scholarship for political reasons. The authors insist that the "science critics" misunderstood the theoretical approaches they criticized, given their "caricature, misreading, and condescension, [rather] than argument."[4][5][6][7] The book sparked the so-called science wars. Higher Superstition inspired a New York Academy of Sciences conference titled The Flight from Science and Reason, organised by Gross, Levitt, and Gerald Holton.[8] Attendees of the conference were critical of the polemical approach of Gross and Levitt, yet agreed upon the intellectual inconsistency of how laymen, non-scientist, and social studies intellectuals dealt with science.[9] Science wars in Social Text In 1996, Social Text, a Duke University publication of postmodern critical theory, compiled a "Science Wars" issue containing brief articles by postmodernist academics in the social sciences and the humanities, that emphasized the roles of society and politics in science. In the introduction to the issue, the Social Text editor, Andrew Ross, said that the attack upon science studies was a conservative reaction to reduced funding for scientific research, characterizing the Flight from Science and Reason conference as an attempted "linking together a host of dangerous threats: scientific creationism, New Age alternatives and cults, astrology, UFO-ism, the radical science movement, postmodernism, and critical science studies, alongside the ready-made historical specters of Aryan-Nazi science and the Soviet error of Lysenkoism" that "degenerated into name-calling."[10] The historian Dorothy Nelkin characterised Gross and Levitt’s vigorous response as a "call to arms in response to the failed marriage of Science and the State" — in contrast to the scientists’ historical tendency to avoid participating in perceived political threats, such as creation science, the animal rights movement, and anti-abortionists’ attempts to curb fetal research [clarification needed]. At the end of the Soviet–American Cold War (1945–91), military funding of science declined, while funding agencies demanded accountability, and research became directed by private interests. Nelkin suggested that postmodernist critics were "convenient scapegoats" who diverted attention from problems in science.[11] Also in 1996, physicist Alan Sokal had submitted an article to Social Text titled "Transgressing the Boundaries: Towards a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity," which proposed that quantum gravity is a linguistic and social construct and that quantum physics supports postmodernist criticisms of scientific objectivity. After holding the article back from earlier issues due to Sokal's refusal to consider revisions, the staff published it in the "Science Wars" issue as a relevant contribution.[12] Later, in the May 1996 issue of Lingua Franca, in the article "A Physicist Experiments With Cultural Studies", Sokal exposed his parody-article, "Transgressing the Boundaries" as an experiment testing the intellectual rigor of an academic journal that would "publish an article liberally salted with nonsense if (a) it sounded good and (b) it flattered the editors’ ideological preconceptions".[13] The matter became known as the "Sokal Affair" and brought greater public attention to the wider conflict.[14] Jacques Derrida, a frequent target of "anti-relativist" criticism in the wake of Sokal's article, responded to the hoax in "Sokal and Bricmont Aren't Serious," first published in Le Monde. He called Sokal's action sad (triste) for having overshadowed Sokal's mathematical work and ruined the chance to sort out controversies of scientific objectivity in a careful way. Derrida went on to fault him and co-author Jean Bricmont for what he considered an act of intellectual bad faith: they had accused him of scientific incompetence in the English edition of a follow-up book (an accusation several English reviewers noted), but deleted the accusation from the French edition and denied that it had ever existed. He concluded, as the title indicates, that Sokal was not serious in his approach, but had used the spectacle of a "quick practical joke" to displace the scholarship Derrida believed the public deserved.[15] Continued conflict In the first few years after the 'Science Wars' edition of Social Text, the seriousness and volume of discussion increased significantly, much of it focused on reconciling the 'warring' camps of postmodernists and scientists. One significant event was the 'Science and Its Critics' conference in early 1997; it brought together scientists and scholars who study science, and featured Alan Sokal and Steve Fuller as keynote speakers. The conference generated the final wave of substantial press coverage (in both news media and scientific journals), though by no means resolved the fundamental issues of social construction and objectivity in science.[16] Other attempts have been made to reconcile the two camps. Mike Nauenberg, a physicist at the University of California, Santa Cruz, organized a small conference in May 1997 that was attended by scientists and sociologists of science alike, among them Alan Sokal, N. David Mermin and Harry Collins. In the same year, Collins organized the Southampton Peace Workshop, which again brought together a broad range of scientists and sociologists. The Peace Workshop gave rise to the idea of a book that intended to map out some of the arguments between the disputing parties. The One Culture?: A Conversation about Science, edited by chemist Jay A. Labinger and sociologist Harry Collins, was eventually published in 2001. The book, the title of which is a reference to C.P. Snow's The Two Cultures, contains contributions from authors such as Alan Sokal, Jean Bricmont, Steven Weinberg and Steven Shapin.[17] Other important publications related to the science wars include Fashionable Nonsense by Sokal and Jean Bricmont (1998), The Social Construction of What? by Ian Hacking (1999) and Who Rules in Science by James Robert Brown. To John C. Baez, the Bogdanov Affair in 2002[18] served as the bookend to the Sokal controversy: the review, acceptance, and publication of papers, later alleged to be nonsense, in peer-reviewed physics journals. Cornell physics professor Paul Ginsparg, argued that the cases are not at all similar, and that the fact that some journals and scientific institutions have low standards is "hardly a revelation."[19] The new editor in chief of the journal Annals of Physics, who was appointed after the controversy along with a new editorial staff, had said that the standards of the journal had been poor leading up to the publication since the previous editor had become sick and died.[18] Interest in the science wars has waned considerably in recent years. Though the events of the science wars are still occasionally mentioned in mainstream press, they have had little effect on either the scientific community or the community of critical theorists.[citation needed] Both sides continue to maintain that the other does not understand their theories, or mistakes constructive criticisms and scholarly investigations for attacks. As Bruno Latour recently put it, "Scientists always stomp around meetings talking about 'bridging the two-culture gap', but when scores of people from outside the sciences begin to build just that bridge, they recoil in horror and want to impose the strangest of all gags on free speech since Socrates: only scientists should speak about science!"[20] Subsequently, Latour has suggested a re-evaluation of sociology's epistemology based on lessons learnt from the Science Wars: "… scientists made us realize that there was not the slightest chance that the type of social forces we use as a cause could have objective facts as their effects."[21] However, more recently some of the leading critical theorists have recognized that their critiques have at times been counter-productive, and are providing intellectual ammunition for reactionary interests. Writing about these developments in the context of global warming, Bruno Latour noted that "dangerous extremists are using the very same argument of social construction to destroy hard-won evidence that could save our lives. Was I wrong to participate in the invention of this field known as science studies? Is it enough to say that we did not really mean what we meant?"[22] Donald Kennedy, editor-in-chief of Science, has said that skeptics such as Michaels are lobbyists more than researchers, and that "I don't think it's unethical any more than most lobbying is unethical", he said. He said donations to skeptics amounts to "trying to get a political message across".[238] Global warming skeptic Reid Bryson said in June 2007 that "There is a lot of money to be made in this... If you want to be an eminent scientist you have to have a lot of grad students and a lot of grants. You can't get grants unless you say, 'Oh global warming, yes, yes, carbon dioxide'."[239] Similar positions have been advanced by University of Alabama, Huntsville climate scientist Roy Spencer, Spencer's University of Alabama, Huntsville colleague and IPCC contributor John Christy, University of London biogeographer Philip Stott,[240] Accuracy in Media,[241] and Ian Plimer in his 2009 book Heaven and Earth — Global Warming: The Missing Science. Richard Lindzen, the Alfred P. Sloan Professor of Meteorology at MIT, said that "[in] the winter of 1989 Reginald Newell, a professor of meteorology [at MIT], lost National Science Foundation funding for data analyses that were failing to show net warming over the past century". Lindzen also suggested that four other scientists "apparently" lost their funding or positions after questioning the scientific underpinnings of global warming.[242] Lindzen himself has been the recipient of money from energy interests such as OPEC and the Western Fuels Association, including "$2,500 a day for his consulting services",[243] as well as funding from US federal sources including the National Science Foundation, the Department of Energy, and NASA.[244] Debate over most effective response to warming See also: List of scientists opposing the mainstream scientific assessment of global warming In recent years some skeptics have changed their positions regarding global warming. Ronald Bailey, author of Global Warming and Other Eco-Myths (published by the Competitive Enterprise Institute in 2002), stated in 2005, "Anyone still holding onto the idea that there is no global warming ought to hang it up".[245] By 2007, he wrote "Details like sea level rise will continue to be debated by researchers, but if the debate over whether or not humanity is contributing to global warming wasn't over before, it is now.... as the new IPCC Summary makes clear, climate change Pollyannaism is no longer looking very tenable".[246] "There are alternatives to its [the climate-change crusade's] insistence that the only appropriate policy response is steep and immediate emissions reductions.... a greenhouse-gas-emissions cap ultimately would constrain energy production. A sensible climate policy would emphasize building resilience into our capacity to adapt to climate changes.... we should consider strategies of adaptation to a changing climate. A rise in the sea level need not be the end of the world, as the Dutch have taught us". says Steven F. Hayward of American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think-tank.[247] Hayward also advocates the use of "orbiting mirrors to rebalance the amounts of solar radiation different parts of the earth receive"—the space sunshade example of so-called geoengineering for solar radiation management. In 2001 Richard Lindzen, asked whether it was necessary to try to reduce CO2 emissions, said that responses needed to be prioritised. "You can't just say, 'No matter what the cost, and no matter how little the benefit, we'll do this'. If we truly believe in warming, then we've already decided we're going to adjust...The reason we adjust to things far better than Bangladesh is that we're richer. Wouldn't you think it makes sense to make sure we're as robust and wealthy as possible? And that the poor of the world are also as robust and wealthy as possible?"[248] Others argue that if developing nations reach the wealth level of the United States this could greatly increase CO2 emissions and consumption of fossil fuels. Large developing nations such as India and China are predicted to be major emitters of greenhouse gases in the next few decades as their economies grow.[249][250] The conservative National Center for Policy Analysis whose "Environmental Task Force" contains a number of climate change skeptics including Sherwood Idso and S. Fred Singer[251] says, "The growing consensus on climate change policies is that adaptation will protect present and future generations from climate-sensitive risks far more than efforts to restrict CO2 emissions".[252] The adaptation-only plan is also endorsed by oil companies like ExxonMobil, "ExxonMobil's plan appears to be to stay the course and try to adjust when changes occur. The company's plan is one that involves adaptation, as opposed to leadership",[253] says this Ceres report.[254] Gregg Easterbrook characterized himself as having "a long record of opposing alarmism". In 2006, he stated, "based on the data I'm now switching sides regarding global warming, from skeptic to convert".[255] The Bush administration also voiced support for an adaptation-only policy in the US in 2002. "In a stark shift for the Bush administration, the United States has sent a climate report [U.S. Climate Action Report 2002] to the United Nations detailing specific and far-reaching effects it says global warming will inflict on the American environment. In the report, the administration also for the first time places most of the blame for recent global warming on human actions—mainly the burning of fossil fuels that send heat-trapping greenhouse gases into the atmosphere". The report however "does not propose any major shift in the administration's policy on greenhouse gases. Instead it recommends adapting to inevitable changes instead of making rapid and drastic reductions in greenhouse gases to limit warming".[256] This position apparently precipitated a similar shift in emphasis at the COP 8 climate talks in New Delhi several months later,[257] "The shift satisfies the Bush administration, which has fought to avoid mandatory cuts in emissions for fear it would harm the economy. 'We're welcoming a focus on more of a balance on adaptation versus mitigation', said a senior American negotiator in New Delhi. 'You don't have enough money to do everything'".[258][259] The White House emphasis on adaptation was not well received however: Despite conceding that our consumption of fossil fuels is causing serious damage and despite implying that current policy is inadequate, the Report fails to take the next step and recommend serious alternatives. Rather, it suggests that we simply need to accommodate to the coming changes. For example, reminiscent of former Interior Secretary Hodel's proposal that the government address the hole in the ozone layer by encouraging Americans to make better use of sunglasses, suntan lotion and broad-brimmed hats, the Report suggests that we can deal with heat-related health impacts by increased use of air-conditioning ... Far from proposing solutions to the climate change problem, the Administration has been adopting energy policies that would actually increase greenhouse gas emissions. Notably, even as the Report identifies increased air conditioner use as one of the 'solutions' to climate change impacts, the Department of Energy has decided to roll back energy efficiency standards for air conditioners. —?Letter from 11 State Attorneys General to George W. Bush., [260] Some find this shift and attitude disingenuous and indicative of an inherent bias against prevention (i.e. reducing emissions/consumption) and for the prolonging of profits to the oil industry at the expense of the environment. "Now that the dismissal of climate change is no longer fashionable, the professional deniers are trying another means of stopping us from taking action. It would be cheaper, they say, to wait for the impacts of climate change and then adapt to them" says writer and environmental activist George Monbiot[261] in an article addressing the supposed economic hazards of addressing climate change. Others argue that adaptation alone will not be sufficient.[262] See also Copenhagen Consensus. Though not emphasized to the same degree as mitigation, adaptation to a climate certain to change has been included as a necessary component in the discussion as early as 1992,[263] and has been all along.[264] However it was not to the exclusion, advocated by the skeptics, of preventative mitigation efforts, and therein, say carbon cutting proponents, lies the difference.[265] Another highly debated potential climate change mitigation strategy is Cap and Trade due to its direct relationship with the economy. Political pressure on scientists Many climate scientists state that they are put under enormous pressure to distort or hide any scientific results which suggest that human activity is to blame for global warming. A survey of climate scientists which was reported to the US House Oversight and Government Reform Committee in 2007 noted that "Nearly half of all respondents perceived or personally experienced pressure to eliminate the words 'climate change', 'global warming' or other similar terms from a variety of communications". These scientists were pressured to tailor their reports on global warming to fit the Bush administration's climate change scepticism. In some cases, this occurred at the request of former oil-industry lobbyist Phil Cooney, who worked for the American Petroleum Institute before becoming chief of staff at the White House Council on Environmental Quality (he resigned in 2005 before being hired by ExxonMobil).[266] In June 2008, a report by NASA's Office of the Inspector General concluded that NASA staff appointed by the White House had censored and suppressed scientific data on global warming in order to protect the Bush administration from controversy close to the 2004 presidential election.[267] U.S. officials, such as Philip Cooney, have repeatedly edited scientific reports from US government scientists,[268] many of whom, such as Thomas Knutson, have been ordered to refrain from discussing climate change and related topics.[269][270][271] Attempts to suppress scientific information on global warming and other issues have been described by journalist Chris Mooney in his book The Republican War on Science. Climate scientist James E. Hansen, director of NASA's Goddard Institute for Space Studies, wrote in a widely cited New York Times article[272] in 2006 that his superiors at the agency were trying to "censor" information "going out to the public". NASA denied this, saying that it was merely requiring that scientists make a distinction between personal, and official government, views in interviews conducted as part of work done at the agency. Several scientists working at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration have made similar complaints;[273] once again, government officials said they were enforcing long-standing policies requiring government scientists to clearly identify personal opinions as such when participating in public interviews and forums. The BBC's long-running current affairs series Panorama recently investigated the issue, and was told that "scientific reports about global warming have been systematically changed and suppressed".[274] Scientists who agree with the consensus view have sometimes expressed concerns over what they view as sensationalism of global warming by interest groups and the press. For example, Mike Hulme, director of the Tyndall Centre for Climate Research, wrote how increasing use of pejorative terms like "catastrophic", "chaotic" and "irreversible", had altered the public discourse around climate change: "This discourse is now characterised by phrases such as 'climate change is worse than we thought', that we are approaching 'irreversible tipping in the Earth's climate', and that we are 'at the point of no return'. I have found myself increasingly chastised by climate change campaigners when my public statements and lectures on climate change have not satisfied their thirst for environmental drama and exaggerated rhetoric".[275] According to an Associated Press release on 30 January 2007, Climate scientists at seven government agencies say they have been subjected to political pressure aimed at downplaying the threat of global warming. The groups presented a survey that shows two in five of the 279 climate scientists who responded to a questionnaire complained that some of their scientific papers had been edited in a way that changed their meaning. Nearly half of the 279 said in response to another question that at some point they had been told to delete reference to "global warming" or "climate change" from a report".[276] Critics writing in the Wall Street Journal editorial page state that the survey[277] was itself unscientific.[278] In addition to the pressure from politicians, many prominent scientists working on climate change issues have reported increasingly severe harassment from members of the public. The harassment has taken several forms. The US FBI told ABC News that it was looking into a spike in threatening emails sent to climate scientists, while a white supremacist website posted pictures of several climate scientists with the word "Jew" next to each image. One climate scientist interviewed by ABC News had a dead animal dumped on his doorstep and now frequently has to travel with bodyguards.[279] In April 2010, Virginia Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli claimed that leading climate scientist Michael E. Mann had possibly violated state fraud laws, and without providing any evidence of wrongdoing, filed the Attorney General of Virginia's climate science investigation as a civil demand that the University of Virginia provide a wide range of records broadly related to five research grants Mann had obtained as an assistant professor at the university from 1999 to 2005. This litigation was widely criticized in the academic community as politically motivated and likely to have a chilling effect on future research.[280][281] The university filed a court petition and the judge dismissed Cuccinelli's demand on the grounds that no justification had been shown for the investigation.[282] Cuccinelli issued a revised subpoena, and appealed the case to the Virginia Supreme Court which ruled in March 2012 that Cuccinelli did not have the authority to make these demands. The outcome was hailed as a victory for academic freedom.[283][284] Exxon Mobil is also notorious for skewing scientific evidence through their private funding of scientific organizations. In 2002, Exxon Mobil contributed $10,000 to The Independent Institute and then$10,000 more in 2003. In 2003, The Independent Institute release a study that reported the evidence for imminent global warming found during the Clinton administration was based on now-dated satellite findings and wrote off the evidence and findings as a product of "bad science."[285] This is not the only consortium of skeptics that Exxon Mobil has supported financially. The George C. Marshall Institute received $630,000 in funding for climate change research from ExxonMobil between 1998 and 2005. Exxon Mobil also gave$472,000 in funding to The Board of Academic and Scientific Advisors for the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow from 1998 to 2005. Dr. Frederick Seitz, well known as "the god father of global warming skepticism," served as both Chairman Emeritus of The George C. Marshall Institute and a board member of the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow from 1998 to 2005.[286] Litigation Several lawsuits have been filed over global warming. For example, Massachusetts v. Environmental Protection Agency before the Supreme Court of the United States allowed the EPA to regulate greenhouse gases under the Clean Air Act. A similar approach was taken by California Attorney General Bill Lockyer who filed a lawsuit California v. General Motors Corp. to force car manufacturers to reduce vehicles' emissions of carbon dioxide. This lawsuit was found to lack legal merit and was tossed out.[287][288] A third case, Comer v. Murphy Oil USA, Inc., a class action lawsuit filed by Gerald Maples, a trial attorney in Mississippi, in an effort to force fossil fuel and chemical companies to pay for damages caused by global warming. Described as a nuisance lawsuit, it was dismissed by District Court.[289] However, the District Court's decision was overturned by the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, which instructed the District Court to reinstate several of the plaintiffs' climate change-related claims on 22 October 2009.[290] The Sierra Club sued the U.S. government over failure to raise automobile fuel efficiency standards, and thereby decrease carbon dioxide emissions.[291][292] McIntyre was critical of this Nature blog entry because von Storch did not acknowledge the role of McIntyre and McKitrick: They then proceed to discuss various articles on the Hockey Stick mentioning Bürger, Moberg, borehole papers, the NAS report, but failing to mention McIntyre and McKitrick. Pretty annoying.[193] However von Storch replied[194] that: This was on purpose, as we do not think that McIntyre has substantially contributed in the published peer-reviewed literature to the debate about the statistical merits of the MBH and related method. They have published one peer-reviewed article on a statistical aspect, and we have published a response – acknowledging that they would have a valid point in principle, but the critique would not matter in the case of the hockey-stick ... we see in principle two scientific inputs of McIntyre into the general debate – one valid point, which is however probably not relevant in this context, and another which has not been properly documented. Further reconstructions Main article: Hockey stick graph Further reconstructions were published, using additional proxies and different methodology. Mann identifies Juckes et al. 2007 and Lee, Zwiers & Tsao 2008 for examples.[195] In July 2008 Huang, Pollack and Shen published a suite of borehole reconstructions covering 20,000 years. They showed warm episodes in the mid-Holocene and the Medieval period, a little ice age and 20th century warming reaching temperatures higher than Medieval Warm Period peak temperatures in any of the reconstructions: they described this finding as consistent with the IPCC AR4 conclusions.[196] In a paper published by PNAS on 9 September 2008, Mann and colleagues produced updated reconstructions of Earth surface temperature for the past two millennia.[31] This reconstruction used a more diverse dataset that was significantly larger than the original tree-ring study, at more than 1,200 proxy records. They used two complementary methods, both of which showed a similar "hockey stick" graph with recent increases in northern hemisphere surface temperature are anomalous relative to at least the past 1300 years. Mann said, "Ten years ago, the availability of data became quite sparse by the time you got back to 1,000 AD, and what we had then was weighted towards tree-ring data; but now you can go back 1,300 years without using tree-ring data at all and still get a verifiable conclusion."[197] In a PNAS response, McIntyre and McKitrick said that they perceived a number of problems, including that Mann et al used some data with the axes upside down.[198] Mann et al. replied that McIntyre and McKitrick "raise no valid issues regarding our paper" and the "claim that 'upside down' data were used is bizarre", as the methods "are insensitive to the sign of predictors." They also said that excluding the contentious datasets has little effect on the result.[199] The hockey stick graph was given further support by Kaufman et al. 2009 which reconstructed the climate of the Arctic over the last 2,000 years,[200] and a new method of analysis using Bayesian statistics developed by Martin Tingley and Peter Huybers.[201] Climatic Research Unit email controversy Main articles: Climatic Research Unit email controversy and Climatic Research Unit documents In the Climatic Research Unit email controversy (also known as "Climategate") which began in November 2009, extracts from a few of the stolen emails and other documents hacked from a server at the Climatic Research Unit (CRU) at the University of East Anglia (UEA) were taken out of context to support allegations against scientists working on the instrumental temperature record and on climate reconstructions.[202] The most quoted phrase took words from an e-mail of 16 November 1999 written by Phil Jones which referred to a graph he was preparing as a diagram for the cover of the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) statement on the status of global climate in 1999.[203][204] Jones wrote: "I've just completed Mike's Nature trick of adding in the real temps to each series for the last 20 years (ie, from 1981 onwards) and from 1961 for Keith's to hide the decline."[205] In science, the term "trick" is slang for a clever (and legitimate) technique, in this case Michael E. Mann's technique for comparing two different data sets,[206] and "the decline" referred to the already published divergence problem with tree ring density proxies affecting the post 1960 part of Keith Briffa's reconstruction graph. Despite this and the fact that 1999 had just seen record breaking global temperatures, the email was widely misquoted as a "trick" to "hide the decline" as though it referred to a decline in measured global temperatures, an accusation made publicly by the politicians Sarah Palin and Jim Inhofe.[204] Questions were raised about the Soon and Baliunas controversy and a 2003 email from Mann suggesting "we have to stop considering Climate Research as a legitimate peer-reviewed journal. Perhaps we should encourage our colleagues in the climate research community to no longer submit to, or cite papers in, this journal."[207] The allegation by Pat Michaels of the Cato Institute that pressure from Jones and Mann was responsible for the resignations at Climate Research[208] was rejected by Hans von Storch, who said that he had resigned "with no outside pressure, because of insufficient quality control on a bad paper – a skeptic's paper, at that."[209] Michaels also alleged a bias against letting sceptics like himself publish in peer reviewed journals;[208] Mann said that the only bias was a requirement for good quality papers, and other climate skeptics had succeeded in getting their work in mainstream journals.[210] Eight independent investigations of the allegations and the emails all found that there was no evidence of fraud or scientific misconduct by the scientists. One report, by the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), considered detailed petitions raised by conservative activists and business groups with reference to the emails: the EPA examined every email and concluded that there was no merit to the claims in the petitions, which "routinely misunderstood the scientific issues", reached "faulty scientific conclusions", "resorted to hyperbole", and "often cherry-pick language that creates the suggestion or appearance of impropriety, without looking deeper into the issues."[211] Continuing research Main article: Hockey stick graph A 2010 opinion piece by David Frank, Jan Esper, Eduardo Zorita and Rob Wilson (Frank et al. 2010) noted that by then over two dozen large-scale climate reconstructions had been published, showing a broad consensus that there had been exceptional 20th century warming after earlier climatic phases, notably the Medieval Warm Period and Little Ice Age. There were still issues of large-scale natural variability to be resolved, especially for the lowest frequency variations, and they called for further research to improve expert assessment of proxies and to develop reconstruction methods explicitly allowing for structural uncertainties in the process.[13] New studies using different methods continued to extend the period covered by reconstructions. Ljungqvist's 2,000 year extratropical Northern Hemisphere reconstruction generally agreed well with Mann et al. 2008, though it used different methods and covered a different area.[212] Studies by Christiansen and Ljungqvist investigated previous underestimation of low-frequency variability, and reaffirmed Mann et al.'s conclusions about the Little Ice Age and the Medieval Warm Period.[213] as did Ljungqvist et al. 2012 which used a larger network of proxies than previous studies. Marcott et al. 2013 used seafloor and lake bed sediment proxies to reconstruct global temperatures over the past 11,300 years, the last 1,000 years of which confirmed the original MBH99 hockey stick graph The Climatic Research Unit developed its gridded CRUTEM data set of land air temperature anomalies from instrumental temperature records held by National Meteorological Organisations around the world, often under formal or informal confidentiality agreements that restricted use of this raw data to academic purposes, and prevented it from being passed onto third parties. Over 95% of the CRU climate data set had been available to the public for several years before July 2009,[73] when the university received numerous FOI requests for raw data or details of the confidentiality agreements from Stephen McIntyre and readers of his Climate Audit blog. Phil Jones of CRU announced that requests were being made to all the National Meteorological Organisations for their agreement to waive confidentiality,[126] with the aim of publishing all the data jointly with the Met Office.[127] McIntyre complained that data denied to him had been sent to Jones's colleague Peter Webster at the Georgia Institute of Technology for work on a joint publication, and FOI requests for this data were made by Jonathan A. Jones of the University of Oxford and Don Keiller of Anglia Ruskin University.[128] Both requests were refused by the UEA by 11 September 2009.[129] Though some National Meteorological Organisations gave full or conditional agreement to waive confidentiality, others failed to respond, and the request was explicitly refused by Trinidad and Tobago and Poland. In discussions with the ICO, the university argued that the data was publicly available from the Met organisations, and the lack of agreement exempted the remaining data. In its decision released on 23 June 2011, the ICO stated that the data was not easily available, and required the university to release the data covered by the FOIA request.[129] On 27 July 2011 CRU announced that the raw instrumental data not already in the public domain had been released and was available for download, with the exception of Poland which was outside the area covered by the FOIA request. The university remained concerned "that the forced release of material from a source which has explicitly refused to give permission for release could have some damaging consequences for the UK in international research collaborations."[128][130] In September 2011 the ICO issued new guidance to universities, taking into account issues raised in relation to the CRU information requests. This describes exceptions and exemptions to protect research, including allowance for internal exchange of views between academics and researchers, leaving formulation of opinions on research free from external scrutiny. It notes the benefits of actively disclosing information when it is in the public interest, and disclosure of personal email information related to public authority business.[131] Media coverage See also: Media coverage of climate change The initial story about the hacking originated in the blogosphere,[6] with columnist James Delingpole picking up the term "Climategate" from an anonymous blogger on Watts Up With That?, a blog created by climate sceptic Anthony Watts. The site was one of three blogs that received links to the leaked documents on 17 November 2009. Delingpole first used the word "Climategate" in the title of his 20 November article for The Telegraph: "Climategate: the final nail in the coffin of 'Anthropogenic Global Warming'?" A week later, his co-worker, Christopher Booker, gave Delingpole credit for coining the term.[7] Following the release of documents in the blogosphere, unproven allegations and personal attacks against scientists increased and made their way into the traditional media. Physicist Mark Boslough of the University of New Mexico noted that many of the attacks on scientists came from "bloggers, editorial writers, Fox News pundits, and radio talk show hosts who have called them liars and vilified them as frauds". According to Chris Mooney & Sheril Kirshenbaum in their book Unscientific America (2010), the accusations originated in right wing media and blogs, "especially on outlets like Fox News." Journalist Suzanne Goldenberg of The Guardian reported that according to an analysis by Media Matters, "Fox had tried to delegitimise the work of climate scientists in its coverage of the hacked emails from the University of East Anglia" and had "displayed a pattern of trying to skew coverage in favour of the fringe minority which doubts the existence of climate change".[12] The intense media coverage of the documents stolen from climate researchers at the University of East Anglia created public confusion about the scientific consensus on climate change, leading several publications to comment on the propagation of the controversy in the media in the wake of a series of investigations that cleared the scientists of any wrongdoing. In an editorial, the New York Times described the coverage as a "manufactured controversy," and expressed hope that the investigations clearing the scientists "will receive as much circulation as the original, diversionary controversies".[132] Writing for Newsweek, journalist Sharon Begley called the controversy a "highly orchestrated, manufactured scandal", noting that the public was unlikely to change their mind. Regardless of the reports exonerating the scientists, Begley noted that "one of the strongest, most-repeated findings in the psychology of belief is that once people have been told X, especially if X is shocking, if they are later told, 'No, we were wrong about X,' most people still believe X."[133] Jean-Pascal van Ypersele, vice-chair of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and science historian Naomi Oreskes said that the "attacks on climate science that were made ahead of the Copenhagen climate change summit were 'organised' to undermine efforts to tackle global warming and mirror the earlier tactics of the tobacco industry".[134] Noting the media circus that occurred when the story first broke, Oreskes and Erik Conway writing about climate change denial, said that following the investigations "the vindication of the climate scientists has received very little coverage at all. Vindication is not as sexy as accusation, and many people are still suspicious. After all, some of those emails, taken out of context, sounded damning. But what they show is that climate scientists are frustrated, because for two decades they have been under attack."[135] Bill Royce, head of the European practice on energy, environment and climate change at the United States communications firm Burson-Marsteller, also described the incident as an organised effort to discredit climate science. He said it was not a single scandal, but "a sustained and coordinated campaign" aimed at undermining the credibility of the science. Disproportionate reporting of the original story, "widely amplified by climate deniers", meant that the reports that cleared the scientists received far less coverage than the original allegations, he said.[136] Journalist Curtis Brainard of the Columbia Journalism Review criticised newspapers and magazines for failing to give prominent coverage to the findings of the review panels, and said that "readers need to understand that while there is plenty of room to improve the research and communications process, its fundamental tenets remain as solid as ever."[137] CNN media critic Howard Kurtz expressed similar sentiments.[138] Public opinion and political fallout Jon Krosnick, professor of communication, political science and psychology at Stanford University, said scientists were overreacting. Referring to his own poll results of the American public, he said "It's another funny instance of scientists ignoring science." Krosnick found that "Very few professions enjoy the level of confidence from the public that scientists do, and those numbers haven't changed much in a decade. We don't see a lot of evidence that the general public in the United States is picking up on the (University of East Anglia) emails. It's too inside baseball."[139] The Christian Science Monitor, in an article titled "Climate scientists exonerated in 'climategate' but public trust damaged," stated, "While public opinion had steadily moved away from belief in man-made global warming before the leaked CRU emails, that trend has only accelerated."[140] Paul Krugman, columnist for the New York Times, argued that this, along with all other incidents which called into question the scientific consensus on climate change, was "a fraud concocted by opponents of climate action, then bought into by many in the news media."[141] But UK journalist Fred Pearce called the slow response of climate scientists "a case study in how not to respond to a crisis" and "a public relations disaster".[142] A. A. Leiserowitz, Director of the Yale University Project on Climate Change, and colleagues found in 2010 that: Climategate had a significant effect on public beliefs in global warming and trust in scientists. The loss of trust in scientists, however, was primarily among individuals with a strongly individualistic worldview or politically conservative ideology. Nonetheless, Americans overall continue to trust scientists more than other sources of information about global warming. —?[6] In late 2011, Steven F. Hayward wrote that "Climategate did for the global warming controversy what the Pentagon Papers did for the Vietnam war 40 years ago: It changed the narrative decisively."[143] An editorial in Nature said that many in the media "were led by the nose, by those with a clear agenda, to a sizzling scandal that steadily defused as the true facts and context were made clear."[144] Further release, 2011 On 22 November 2011, a second set of approximately 5,000 emails, apparently hacked from University of East Anglia servers at the same time as those in the 2009 release, was posted on a Russian server with links distributed to the message boards on several climate skeptic websites.[145] A message accompanying the emails quoted selective passages from them, highlighting many of the same issues raised following the original Daniel F. Akerson: Managing Director of the Carlyle Group Charlene Barshefsky: Former United States Trade Representative Ursula M. Burns: President of Xerox Corporation Kenneth I. Chenault: Chairman and CEO of American Express Co. Peter Chernin: Former President and COO, News Corporation Vernon E. Jordan, Jr.: Senior Managing Director with Lazard Freres & Co. LLC Jan Leschly: CEO of Care Capital LLC The original News Corporation or News Corp. was an American multinational mass media corporation headquartered in New York City. It was the world's fourth-largest media group in 2014 in terms of revenue.[7][8][9][10][11] Board members include prominent former Spanish prime minister Jose Maria Aznar.[12] News Corporation was a publicly traded company listed on the NASDAQ. Formerly incorporated in Adelaide, South Australia, the company was re-incorporated under Delaware General Corporation Law after a majority of shareholders approved the move on 12 November 2004. News Corporation was headquartered at 1211 Avenue of the Americas, New York, in the newer 1960s–1970s corridor of the Rockefeller Center complex. On 28 June 2012, Rupert Murdoch announced that, after concerns from shareholders in response to its recent scandals and to "unlock even greater long-term shareholder value", News Corporation's assets would be split into two publicly traded companies, one oriented towards media, and the other towards publishing. The split formally took place on 28 June 2013; where the present News Corp. was renamed 21st Century Fox and consists primarily of media outlets, while a new News Corp was formed to take on the publishing and Australian broadcasting assets . Its major holdings at the time of the split were News Limited (a group of Yernar Yerimbetov born gymnast Radik Zhaparov born ski jumper Dias Keneshev born biathlete Askhat Zhitkeyev born judoka silver prize winner of the Summer Olympics Arman Chilmanov born taekwondo athlete bronze prize vinner of the Summer Olympics Alexander Vinokourov born cyclist Writers and Poets edit Abay Qunanbayuli poet composer and philosopher Ibrahim Altynsarin pedagogue writer Mukhtar Auezov writer public figure Bukhar zhirau Kalmakanov poet Akhmet Baytursinuli poet writer pedagogue and politician Alikhan Bokeikhanov writer political activist and environmental scientist Mirjaqip Dulatuli poet writer and a leader of Alash Orda government Qabdesh Jumadilov born writer Bakhytzhan Kanapyanov born poet and lyricist Mukaghali Makatayev akyn poet Kasym Amanjolov poet Baurzhan Momyshuly writer Hero of the Soviet Union of WWII Sabit Mukanov poet and writer Gabit Musirepov — writer playwright Saken Seyfullin poet and 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