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way to solve social strife. It provided it with the procedures and techniques of bargaining and negotiation to replace violent conflict as a means of securing more humane and dignified conditions of work. While there have been problems along the way, tripartism has generally survived without successful challenge to the principle, despite attempts by the Soviet Union, in particular, to weaken it. As World War II would to a close, the value of tripartism was reaffirmed in the Declaration of Philadelphia.[7] Tripartism in practice The implications of tripartism in the ILO are manifold. To put it simply, the participation in the ILO deliberations of delegates directly representing the interest of workers and employers adds a connection with economic reality that cannot be reproduced in an organization where governments are the only spokespersons. The roles played by representatives of workers and employers differ
markedly. For workers, the ILO is a major instrument to pursue their goals, and they have a much more active agenda than employers. On the other hand, employers frequently play the role of the “brake” on initiatives put forward both by the workers and the Office and its Director-General, to slow action they consider hasty, or which would work against the perceived interest of business. The ILO is valuable for both workers and employers because of the voice and influence that it offers them. One author aptly characterizes the importance of tripartism, when discussing the ILO’s remarkable survival through World War II, as having been both a straitjacket and a lifejacket. As the ILO’s Committee on Freedom of Association put it, "the right conferred upon workers' and employers' organizations must be based on respect for those civil liberties which have been enunciated in particular in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the absence of these civil liberties removes

all meaning from the concept of trade union rights. Ever if tripartism makes the ILO far more representative of civil society than any other intergovernmental organization, employers' and workers' organization, employers’ and workers’ organizations necessarily represent the formal economy rather than the huge –and growing-informal economy, especially in developing nations. In addition, with membership of trade unions shrinking in many industrialized states, the representativeness of these organizations even in the formal sector is often questioned. The challenge for the ILO and its constituents is to adapt the tripartite model to a globalizing world, where there are new actors operating outside national frameworks and increasingly diverse forms of voice and representation. Some measures of accommodation have been found, for instance involving cooperation with NGOs in action against child labour, and dialogue with parliamentarians and other important actors. The broader challenge remains Social corporatism, also called social democratic corporatism,[1] is a form of economic tripartite corporatism based upon a social partnership between the interests of capital and labour, involving collective bargaining between representatives of employers and of labour mediated by the government at the national level. Social corporatism is a major component of the Nordic model of capitalism and to a lesser degree the West European social market economies.[2] It is considered a compromise to regulate the conflict between capital and labour by mandating them to engage in mutual consultations that are mediated by the government.[3][4] Generally supported by nationalist[5] and/or social-democratic political parties, social corporatism developed in the post-World War II period, influenced by social democrats and Christian democrats in European countries such as Austria, Norway, the Netherlands, Germany and Sweden.[6] Social corporatism has also been adopted in different configurations and to varying degrees in various European countries. The Nordic countries have the most comprehensive form of collective bargaining, where trade unions are represented at the national level by official organizations alongside employers' associations. Together with the welfare state policies of these countries, this forms what is termed the Nordic model. Less extensive models exist in Germany and Austria, which are components of Rhine capitalism. Contents 1 Positions 1.1 Position on class conflict: class compromise 2 History 2.1 1930s–1970s: Norway, Sweden and Austria 3 See also 4 Notes 5 Bibliography Positions Position on class conflict: class compromise Some controversy has existed in the political left over social corporatism, where it has been criticized for abandoning the concept of class struggle, legitimizing privately owned enterprise and for lending credence to a form of regulated capitalism.[7] Others on the left counter these criticisms by claiming that social corporatism has been progressive in providing institutional legitimacy to the labour movement that recognizes the existence of ongoing class conflict between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, but seeks to provide peaceful resolutions to disputes arising from the conflict based on moderation rather than revolution.[8] Thus, proponents of social corporatism consider it a class compromise within the context of existing class conflict.[9] In the 1930s, social democracy was labeled social fascism by the Third International, which maintained that social democracy was a variant of fascism because in addition to their shared corporatist economic model they stood in the way of transitioning to socialism and communism. History 1930s–1970s: Norway, Sweden and Austria The development of social corporatism began in Norway and Sweden in the 1930s and was consolidated in the 1960s and 1970s.[10] The system was based upon the dual compromise of capital and the labour as one component and the market and the state as the other component.[10] Social corporatism developed in Austria under the post-World War II coalition government of the Social Democratic Party of Austria and the Austrian People's Party.[11] Social corporatism in Austria protects private property in exchange for allowing the labour movement to have political recognition and influence in the economy—to avoid the sharp class conflict that plagued Austria in the

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