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Syncretic politics, or spectral-syncretic politics combine elements from across the conventional left–right political spectrum. The idea of syncretic politics has been influenced by syncretism and syncretic religion.[1] The main idea of syncretic politics is that taking political positions of neutrality by combining elements associated with the left and right can achieve a goal of reconciliation.[2][3][4][5] Contents 1 Historical examples 2 Other examples 3 See also 4 References Historical examples The Falange of Spain presented itself definitively as syncretic.[6] Falangism has attacked both the left and the right as its "enemies", declaring itself to be neither left nor right, but a Third Position.[7] Despite this they allied with the nationalist right side during the Civil War. In Hungary, there has been a strong presence of syncretic political parties since the revolutions of 1989. They won the election in 1990 forming a coalition government: Hungarian Democratic Forum, Independent Smallholders, Agrarian Workers and Civic Party and KDNP. KDNP later became a close ally of FIDESZ, losing this attribute in the process. After the first four-year term syncretic parties went into a decline, many of them disappearing and only two new ones emerging since then: Hungarian Justice and Life Party and Politics Can Be Different,[8] the latter still being present in the Hungarian parliament. Notable politicians are Prime Minister József Antall, Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development József Torgyán and green leader András Schiffer. At the peak of the Cold War, the former Argentinian President Juan Perón (1946–1955; 1973–1974) defined the international position of his doctrine (Peronism) as a "third position" between capitalism and communism, a stance which became a precedent of the Non-Aligned Movement.
In the United States, Third Way adherents embrace fiscal conservatism to a greater extent than traditional social liberals and advocate some replacement of welfare with workfare and sometimes have a stronger preference for market solutions to traditional problems (as in pollution markets) while rejecting pure laissez-faire economics and other right-libertarian positions. This style of governing was firmly adopted and partly redefined during the administration of President Bill Clinton.[9] Political scientist Stephen Skowronek introduced the term "Third Way" into the interpretation of American presidential politics.[10][11][12] Such Presidents undermine the opposition by borrowing policies from it in an effort to seize the middle and with it to achieve political dominance. This technique is known as triangulation and was used by Bill Clinton and other

who sought to move beyond the party's New Deal liberalism reputation in response to the political realignment of the 1980s. Through this strategy, Clinton adopted themes associated with the Republican Party, such as fiscal conservatism, welfare reform, deregulation and law and order policies. Famously, he declared in the 1996 State of the Union Address that "the era of big government is over".[13] In the United Kingdom, the emergence of New Labour under Tony Blair and Gordon Brown was a pitch for the Third Way, mixing economic neoliberal policies, such as banking privatisation, with socially progressive policies. Cercle Proudhon (French pronunciation: ?[s??kl? p?ud?~]; French for Proudhon Circle) was a National-syndicalist political group founded in France on December 16, 1911 by Georges Valois and Édouard Berth. The group was inspired by Georges Sorel, Charles Maurras and a selective reading of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Founded in 1911 by national-syndicalist disciples of Georges Sorel, Georges Valois and Édouard Berth, the group was described as "founded by nationalists, and initially addressed only to them"[2]. The organisation began as informal meetings consisting of about twenty people on average, mainly monarchists and syndicalists who were associated with the right-wing monarchist group, Action Française. The main speakers at these meetings were Valois, Berth, monarchist militant Henri Lagrange and nationalist philosopher Gilbert Mayor. French historian, Géraud Poumarède, describes the Circle's ambition as to "convert trade unionists to the monarchy".[3] Despite the group's close association to Sorel he was initially hostile to the group stating that he feared the Circle would make "young people less able to understand Proudhon".[4] Charles Maurras was also wary of the group describing them in his book, L’Action française et la religion catholique (1913): "The French who met to found the Circle Proudhon are all nationalists . The boss they chose for their assembly made them meet other French, who are not nationalists, who are not royalists , and who join them to participate in the life of the Circle and the writing of Cahiers. The initial group includes men of different origins, different conditions, who have no political aspirations in common, and who will freely expose their views in the Cahiers."[citation needed] The Circle published a bulletin entitled, Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon and operated a bookstore owned by Valois named the La Nouvelle Librairie which is still open to this day.[5] Ideology Cover of the first issue of Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon The first issue of Cahiers du cercle Proudhon appeared in January – February 1912 and included a Déclaration: The founders – republicans, federalists, integral nationalists, and syndicalists – having resolved the political problem or dismissed it from their minds, are all enthusiastically in favour of an organisation of French society in accordance with principles taken from the French tradition which they find in Proudhon's works and in the contemporary syndicalist

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