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Movie Title Year Distributor Notes Rev Formats Bust Out 1973 Something Weird Video NonSex D Climax of Blue Power 1974 Eros Video NonSex 1 DO Dicktator 1974 Something Weird Video NonSex O Dirty Mind of Young Sally 1973 Something Weird Video NonSex Drop Out Wife 1972 Something Weird Video LezOnly Poor Cecily 1972 Unknown NonSex Sex in the Comics 1973 VCA MastOnly
discrimination in factories making weapons for the military.[144] In 1941, the Roosevelt administration, through officially neutral, was leaning in very Allied direction with the United States providing weapons to Great Britain and China (to be joined by the Soviet Union after 22 June 1941), and the president needed the co-operation of Congress as much possible, where isolationist voices were frequently heard. Roosevelt argued to Randolph that he could not antagonize the powerful bloc of conservative Southern Democrats in Congress, and desegregation of the military was out of the question as the Southern Democrats would never accept it; by contrast, as La Guardia pointed out, most of the factories in the defense industry were located in California, the Midwest and the Northeast.



Cotton The largest group of blacks worked in the cotton farms of the Deep South as sharecroppers or tenant farmers; a few owned their farms. Large numbers of whites also were tenant farmers and sharecroppers. Tenant farming characterized the cotton and tobacco production in the post-Civil War South. As the agricultural economy plummeted in the early 1930s, all farmers in all parts of the nation were badly hurt. Worst hurt were the tenant farmers (who had relatively more control) and sharecroppers (who had less control), as well as daily laborers (mostly black, with least control).[145] The problem was very low prices for farm products and the New Deal solution was to raise them by cutting production. It accomplished this in the South by the AAA, which gave landowners acreage reduction contracts, by which they were paid to not grow cotton or tobacco on a portion of their land. By law, they were required to pay the tenant farmers and sharecroppers on their land a portion of the money, but some cheated on this provision, hurting their tenants and croppers. The farm wage workers who worked directly for the landowner were mostly the ones who lost their jobs. For most tenants and sharecroppers the AAA was a major help. Researchers at the time concluded, "To the extent that the AAA control-program has been responsible for the increased price [of cotton], we conclude that it has increased the amount of goods and services consumed by the cotton tenants and croppers." Furthermore, the landowners typically let their tenants and croppers use the land taken out of production for their own personal use in growing food and feed crops, which further increased their standard of living. Another consequence was that the historic high levels of turnover from year to year declined sharply, as tenants and coppers tend to stay with the same landowner. Researchers concluded, "As a rule, planters seem to prefer Negroes to whites as tenants and coppers."[146] Once mechanization came to cotton (after 1945), the tenants and sharecroppers were largely surplus; they moved to towns and cities. World War II Black soldiers tracking a sniper Omaha Beachhead, near Vierville-sur-Mer, France. 10 June 1944 A call for "The Double Victory" The Afro-American newspaper The Pittsburgh Courier called for the "double victory" or "Double V campaign" campaign in a 1942 editorial, saying that all blacks should work for "victory over our enemies at home and victory over our enemies on the battlefield abroad".[147] The newspaper argued that a victory of the Axis powers, especially Nazi Germany, would be a disaster for Afro-Americans while at the same time the war presented the opportunity "to persuade, embarrass, compel and shame our government and our nation...into a more enlightened attitude towards a tenth of its people".[147] The slogan of a "double victory" over fascism abroad and racism at home was widely taken up by Afro-Americans during the war.[147] Military Over 1.9 million blacks served in uniform during World War II. They served in segregated units.[148][149] Black women served in the Army's WAAC and WAC, but very few served in the Navy.[150] The draft starkly exposed the poor living conditions of most Afro-Americans with the Selective Service Boards turning down 46% of the black men called up on health grounds as compared to 30% of the white men called up.[151] At least a third of the black men in the South called up by the draft boards turned out to be illiterate.[151] Southern blacks fared badly on the Army General Classification Test (AGCT), an aptitude test designed to determine the most suitable role for those who were drafted, and which was not an IQ test.[152] Of the black men from the South drafted, 84% fell into the two lowest categories on the AGCT.[153] Owing to the high failure rate caused by the almost non-existent education system for Afro-Americans in the South, the Army was forced to offer remedial instruction for Afro-Americans who fell into the lower categories of the AGCT.[153] By 1945, about 150, 000 black men had learned how to read and write while in the Army.[153] The poor living conditions in rural America which afflicted both white and black Americans led the Army to undertake remedial health work as well. Army optometrists fitted 2.25 million men suffering from poor eyesight with eyeglasses to allow them to be drafted while Army dentists fitted 2.5 million draftees who would have been otherwise disqualified for the bad state of their teeth with dentures.[154] Most of the Army's 231 training camps were located in the South, which was mostly rural and where land was cheaper.[155] Blacks from outside of the South were sent to the training camps found life in the South almost unbearable.[156] Tensions at army and navy training bases between black and white trainees resulted in several outbreaks of racial violence with black trainees sometimes being lynched.[156] In the so-called Battle of Bamber Bridge on 2425 June 1943 in the Lancashire town of Bamber Bridge saw a shoot-out between white and black soldiers that left one dead.[157] In an attempt to solve the problem of racial violence, the War Department in 1943 commissioned the director Frank Capra to make the propaganda film The Negro Soldier.[156] The segregated 92nd Division, which served in Italy, was noted for the antagonistic relations between its white officers and black soldiers.[153] In an attempt to ease the racial tensions, the 92nd Division was integrated in 1944 by having the all Japanese-American 442nd Regimental Combat Team together with one white regiment assigned to it.[153] The segregated 93rd Division, which served in the Pacific, was assigned "mopping up" duties on the islands that the Americans mostly controlled.[153] Black servicemen greatly resented segregation and those serving in Europe complained that German POWs were served better food than what they were.[156] The Navy was segregated and black sailors were usually assigned menial work such as stevedores.[158] At Port Chicago on 17 July 1944, while mostly black stevedores were loading up two Navy supply ships, an explosion occurred that killed 320 men, of which 202 were black.[159] The explosion was widely blamed on the lack of training for black stevedores, and 50 of the survivors of the explosion refused an order to return to work, demanding safety training first.[160] At the subsequent court martial for the "Port Chicago 50" on the charges of mutiny, their defense lawyer, Thurgood Marshall stated: "Negroes in the Navy don't mind loading ammunition. They just want to know why they are the only ones doing the loading! They want to know they are segregated; why they don't get promoted, and why the Navy disregarded official warnings by the San Francisco waterfront unions...that an explosion was inevitable if they persisted in using untrained seamen in the loading of ammunition".[160] Through the sailors were convicted, the Port Chicago disaster led the Navy in August 1944 to allow black sailors to serve alongside white sailors on ships, through blacks could only make up 10% of the crew.[160] Through the Army was reluctant to send black units into combat, famous segregated units, such as the Tuskegee Airmen and the U.S. 761st Tank Battalion proved their value in combat.[161] Approximately 75 percent of the soldiers who served in the European theater as truckers for the Red Ball Express and kept Allied supply lines open were African-American.[162] During the crisis of the Battle of the Bulge in December 1944, the Army allowed several integrated infantry platoons to be formed, through these were broken up once the crisis passed.[158] However, the experiment of the integrated platoons in December 1944 showed that integration did not mean the collapse of military discipline as many claimed that it would, and was a factor in the later desegregation of the armed forces.[158] A total of 708 African Americans were killed in combat during World War II.[163] The distinguished service of these units was a factor in President Harry S. Truman's order to end discrimination in the Armed Forces in July 1948, with the promulgation of Executive Order 9981. This led in turn to the integration of the Air Force and the other services by the early 1950s.[164][165] In his book A Rising Wind, Walter Francis White of the NAACP wrote: "World War II has immeasurably magnified the Negro's awareness of the American profession and practice of democracy...[Black veterans] will return home convinced that whatever betterment of their lot is achieved must come largely from their own efforts. They will return determined to use those efforts to the utmost".[166] Non-military Rosie the Riveter Due to massive shortages as a result of the American entry into World War II, defense employers from Northern and Western cities went to the South to convince blacks and whites there to leave the region in promise of higher wages and better opportunities. As a result, African-Americans left the South in large numbers to munitions centers in the North and West to take advantage of the shortages caused by the war, sparking the Second Great Migration. While they somewhat lived in better conditions than the South (for instance, they could vote and send children to better schools), they nevertheless faced widespread discrimination due to bigotry and fear of competition of housing and jobs among white residents. When Roosevelt learned that many companies in the defense industry were violating the spirit, if not the letter of Executive Order 8802 by only employing blacks in menial positions such as janitors and denying them the opportunity to work as highly paid skilled laborers, he significantly strengthened the Fair Employment Practice Committee (FEPC) with orders to fine the corporations that did not treat their black employees equally.[167] In 1943, Roosevelt gave the FEPC a budget of half-million dollars and replaced the unpaid volunteers who had previously staffed the FEPC with a paid staff concentrated in regional headquarters across the nation with instructions to inspect the defense industry's factories to ensure the spirit and letter of Executive Order 8802 was being obeyed.[167] Roosevelt believed that having black men and women employed in the defense industry working as skilled laborers would give them far higher wages than what they ever had before, and ultimately form the nucleus of a black middle class.[167] When the president learned that some unions were pushing for black employees to be given menial "auxiliary" jobs in the factories, he instructed the National Labor Relations Board to decertify those unions.[167] In 1944, when the union for trolley drivers in Philadelphia went on strike to protest plans to hire Afro-Americans as trolley drivers, Roosevelt sent in troops to break the strike.[167] In 1942, blacks made up 3% of the workforce in the defense industry; by 1945 blacks made up 8% of the workforce in defense industry factories (blacks made up 10% of the population).[167] Racial tensions were also high between whites and ethnic minorities that cities like Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles, and Harlem experienced race riots in 1943.[168] In May 1943, in Mobile, Alabama, when the local shipyard promoted some black men up to be trained as welders, white workers rioted and seriously injured 11 of their black co-workers.[157] In Los Angeles, the Zoot Suit riots of 38 June 1943 saw white servicemen attacking Chicano (Mexican-American) and black youths for wearing zoot suits.[157] On 15 June 1943, in Beaumont, Texas, a pogrom saw a white mob smash up black homes while lynching 2 black men.[157] In Detroit, which expanded massively during the war years with 50, 000 blacks from the South and 200, 000 "hillbilly" whites from Appalachia moving to the city to work in the factories, competition for sparse rental housing had pushed tensions to the brink.[157] On 20 June 1943, false rumors that a white mob had lynched 3 black men led to an outbreak of racial rioting in Detroit that left 34 dead, of whom 25 were black.[157] On 12 August 1943, another race riot in Harlem left 6 blacks dead.[157] Politically, blacks left the Republican Party and joined the Democratic New Deal Coalition of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, whom they widely admired.[169] The political leaders, ministers and newspaper editors who shaped opinion resolved on a Double V campaign: Victory over German and Japanese fascism abroad, and victory over discrimination at home. Black newspapers created the Double V campaign to build black morale and head off radical action.[170] During the war years, the NAACP expanded tenfold, having over half a million members by 1945.[151] The new civil rights group Committee of Racial Equality (CORE), founded in 1942, started demonstrations demanding desegregation of buses, theaters and restaurants.[151] At one CORE demonstration outside a segregated restaurant in Washington, DC in 1944 had signs reading "We Die Together', Let's Eat Together" and "Are you for Hitler's Way or the American Way?".[151] In 1944, the Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal published his bestselling book An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy where he described in much detail the effects of white supremacy upon black Americans, and predicated in the long run the Jim Crow regime was unsustainable, as he argued that after the war Afro-Americans would be not willing to accept a permanent second class status


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