Virginia Cherrill Un Official Fan Site Tribute

Virginia Cherrill : This Is An Un Official Fan Site Tribute
Virginia Cherrill
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Virginia Cherrill (April 12, 1908 – November 14, 1996) was an American actress best known for her role as the blind flower girl in Charlie Chaplin's City Lights (1931). Contents 1 Early life 2 Career 3 Personal life 4 Filmography 5 References 6 External links Early life Virginia Cherrill was born on a farm in rural Carthage, Illinois, to James E. and Blanche (née Wilcox) Cherrill.[1] She initially did not plan on a film career, but her friendship with Sue Carol (who would later marry Alan Ladd) eventually drew her to Hollywood. She had been voted "Queen of the Artists Ball" in Chicago in 1925[1] and was invited to perform on the variety stage by Florenz Ziegfeld, an offer she declined. She found her first marriage unsatisfying and, courtesy of her friendship with Sue Carol, decamped to California where she would meet William Randolph Hearst,[1] When she went to Hollywood for a visit, she met Charlie Chaplin when he sat next to her at a boxing match,[2] although Chaplin, in his autobiography, wrote that she approached him on the beach wanting him to cast her in his film, while acknowledging that he had met her before.
Career Chaplin and Cherrill in City Lights Chaplin soon cast Cherrill in City Lights. Although the film and her performance were well-received, her working relationship with Chaplin on the film was often strained. As indicated in the documentary, Unknown Chaplin, Cherrill was fired from the film for leaving the set for a hairdressing appointment[4] at one point and Chaplin planned to re-film all her scenes with Georgia Hale, but ultimately realized too much money had already been spent on the film. Cherrill recalls in the documentary that she followed close friend Marion Davies's advice to hold out for more money when Chaplin asked her to return to the film.

Even before City Lights was released, 20th Century Fox signed Cherrill to a contract. Following the success of City Lights, the studio put her to work in early sound films of the 1930s, such as Girls Demand Excitement (1931), one of John Wayne's first films as a star. Big-name directors cast her in their films, such as John Ford in The Brat (1931) and Tod Browning in Fast Workers (1933). She also appeared in the 1931 Gershwin musical Delicious with Janet Gaynor. She then went to Britain where she starred in two of James Mason's earlier films, including Troubled Waters, which turned out to be her last film. None of these later films were hits, and she gave up her film career, claiming that she was "no great shakes as an actress."[5] Personal life Cherrill married four times. She had no children.[6] Her first husband, Irving Adler, was a rich Chicago lawyer (not the famed scientist Irving Adler).[1] They were married in 1925 and divorced in 1928.[7] Her second husband was actor Cary Grant, from 1934 to 1935; she left him after seven months of marriage alleging that Grant was abusive toward her.[citation needed] Her third husband was George Child-Villiers, 9th Earl of Jersey, from 1937 to 1946. She thus changed her legal name to Virginia Child-Villiers, Countess of Jersey.[citation needed] Cherrill finally settled down with Florian Martini, a Polish airman whose squadron she had looked after during World War II. He found a job working for Lockheed Martin in Santa Barbara, California where they lived from 1948 until her death in 1996 at age 88.[citation needed] Cherrill has a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame at 1545 Vine Street.[8] Filmography Year Title Role Note 1928 The Air Circus Extra Uncredited 1931 City Lights Blind Girl Girls Demand Excitement Joan Madison The Brat Angela Delicious Diana Van Bergh 1933 Fast Workers Virginia The Nuisance Miss Rutherford He Couldn't Take It Eleanor Rogers Charlie Chan's Greatest Case Barbara Winterslip Ladies Must Love Bill's Society Fiancée 1934 White Heat Lucille Cheney Money Mad Linda 1935 What Price Crime Sandra Worthington Late Extra Janet Graham 1936 Troubled Waters June Elkhardt (final film role) 1983 Unknown Chaplin Herself TV Mini-Series documentary, 1 episode local budget that is not balanced; and gain any additional authority over the National Capital Planning Commission, Washington Aqueduct, or District of Columbia National Guard. As noted, the Home Rule Act prohibits the District from imposing a commuter tax on non-residents who make up over 60% of the city's workforce. In addition, over 50% of property in the District is also exempt from taxation.[31] The Government Accountability Office and other organizations have estimated that these revenue restrictions create a structural deficit in the city's budget of anywhere between $470 million and over $1 billion per year.[31][32][33] While Congress typically provides larger grants to the District for federal programs such as Medicaid and the local justice system, analysts claim that the payments do not resolve the imbalance.[32][33] The proposed FY 2017 budget figures show the District raising about $10 Billion in local revenue, out of a proposed FY 2017 $13.4 Billion budget.[34] Justice system See also: Crime in the District of Columbia The District's local justice system is centered on the Superior Court of the District of Columbia, which hears all local civil and criminal cases, and the District of Columbia Court of Appeals, which serves as the highest local appeals court in District of Columbia. Despite the fact that the local courts are technically the third branch of the D.C. government, they are funded and operated by the United States federal government.[35] Though operated by the federal government, the District's local courts are separate from the United States District Court for the District of Columbia and the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, which only hear cases regarding federal law.[36] The President of the United States appoints the city's local judges from a group of nominees selected by a judicial nomination commission. All presidential nominees are then confirmed by the U.S. Senate.[37] The local Attorney General of the District of Columbia only has jurisdiction in civil proceedings and prosecuting minor offenses such as misdemeanors and traffic violations.[38] The United States Attorney for the District of Columbia is also appointed by the President and is responsible for prosecuting both federal and local felony crimes, such as robbery, murder, aggravated assault, grand theft, and arson.[39] This setup differs from elsewhere in the country where 93% of local prosecutors are directly elected and the remainder are appointed by local elected officials.[40] The fact that the U.S. Attorneys in the District of Columbia are neither elected nor appointed by city officials leads to criticism that the prosecutors are not responsive to the needs of local residents.[41] Efforts to create the position of D.C. district attorney regained attention in 2008. The D.C. district attorney would be elected and have jurisdiction over all local criminal cases, thereby streamlining prosecution and making the justice system more accountable to residents.[42] Relationship with Congress See also: District of Columbia voting rights Despite the fact that District of Columbia has an elected mayor and district council, significant congressional oversight of the District's local affairs remains in place. Congress has the power to review all bills passed by the council, and can prevent them from taking effect even if they were passed on council with a large majority. It can also pass legislation for the city without approval from residents or the local government, and can even revoke the home rule charter altogether.[29] District leaders have long complained about the interventionist approach that members of Congress, who have no particular attachment to the city, take in dealing with the District's local affairs. However, when confronted by hot-button political issues such as the death penalty, gun control or gay marriage, members of Congress are often pressured to cast votes consistent with the beliefs of their constituents, regardless of the law's effect on the city.[43] In some instances, congressional intervention in the city's affairs has produced ruinous results. As an early example from the mid-19th century, when Jacksonian Democrats tried to exercise greater authority over the District, the population convened to request retrocession of the District back to the states of Maryland and Virginia.[44] The efforts to return the northern portion of the District failed; however, the citizens of the District's southern territory of Alexandria successfully petitioned to retrocede that area to Virginia in 1846.[45] The standing committees charged with oversight of the federal city, known as the District committees, were also originally believed to be unimportant when compared to other committees with greater scope and authority. As such, those appointed to the District committees were often less-respected members of Congress.[46] For example, Theodore G. Bilbo, a senator from Mississippi in the 1930 and '40s, was made chairman of the United States Senate Committee on the District of Columbia during his final years in the Senate. Bilbo, an unapologetic racist, used the appointment to extend segregationist policies among the District's increasingly African American population.[47] The District committees were largely restructured in the late 1970s, and were downgraded to subcommittees in the 1990s. Currently, the District of Columbia is overseen in the House of Representatives by the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform and its Subcommittee on Health Care, District of Columbia, Census and the National Archives. As a courtesy to the city's residents, the District's non-voting delegate, currently Eleanor Holmes Norton, serves as a member of both committees.[48] The District is overseen in the United States Senate by the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs and its Subcommittee on Oversight of Government Management, the Federal Workforce and the District of Columbia. The District has no representation in the Senate at all. Walter Washington, the First elected Mayor of the District of Columbia The Congress has intervened in the District's local affairs several times since the passage of the Home Rule Act in 1973. In most instances Congress has simply prohibited the District from spending funds to implement laws passed by the city council as opposed to directly overturning them. Most notable was the prohibition on spending funds to enact the Health Care Benefits Expansion Act of 1992, which extended health benefits to registered domestic partners in the city,[43] and prohibiting the expenditure of funds to lobby for greater representation in Congress.[49] In other instances, however, the Congress has implemented a more active approach in exercising its authority over the District. For example, legislation was passed in 1992 mandating a referendum on the use of the death penalty in the District,[43] and bills to remove the District's strict gun control regulations have been continuously introduced in the Congress as well.[50] Efforts to roll back the city's gun laws were curtailed following the June 26, 2008, Supreme Court decision in District of Columbia v. Heller. The court held that the city's 1976 handgun ban violates the Second Amendment right to gun ownership.[51] However, the ruling does not prohibit all forms of gun control,[52] and pro-gun rights members of Congress are still attempting to repeal remaining gun regulations such as the District's "assault weapon" ban.[53] The most significant intrusion into the city's local affairs since the passage of Home Rule Act was when the Congress removed the city's authority to control its own finances in the mid-1990s. The situation was a result of mismanagement and waste in the city's local government, particularly during the mayoralty of Marion Barry.[54] By 1995, the city had become nearly insolvent, which prompted the Congress to create the District of Columbia Financial Control Board. As part of the restructuring arrangement, the appointed members of the Financial Control Board had the authority to approve all city spending; however, Congress also agreed to provide more funding for federally mandated programs such as Medicaid.[55] Mayor Anthony Williams won election in 1998. His administration oversaw a period of greater prosperity, urban renewal, and budget surpluses.[31] The District regained control over its finances in September 2001 and the oversight board's operations were suspended.[56] Proposals for change Advocates of greater D.C. home rule have proposed several reforms to increase the District's independence from Congress. These proposals generally involve either limiting oversight or allowing the state of Maryland take back the land it ceded to form the District. Legislation A number of legislative proposals have been made for the Congress, while maintaining its authority over the District, to significantly restrain the degree of oversight. These initiatives include:[57] Allowing greater legislative autonomy and removing the congressional review period required before local legislation becomes law; Removing the required congressional review and active approval of the city's local budget; and Creating the position of an elected D.C. attorney general so that residents may have greater say over local civil litigation and criminal prosecutions. As of 2011, all of these proposals were pending before various committees in the Congress.[57] Retrocession Main article: District of Columbia retrocession The process of uniting the District of Columbia with the State of Maryland is referred to as retrocession. The District was originally formed out of parts of both Maryland and Virginia. However, the portion ceded by Virginia was returned to that state in 1846; all the land in present-day D.C. was once part of Maryland.[58] If both the Congress and the Maryland state legislature agreed, jurisdiction over the District of Columbia could be returned to Maryland, possibly excluding a small tract of land immediately surrounding the United States Capitol, the White House, and the Supreme Court building.[59] If the District were returned to Maryland, exclusive jurisdiction over the city by Congress would be terminated and citizens in D.C. would gain voting representation in the Congress as residents of Maryland. Potential obstacles to retrocession include the need for approval by the State of Maryland[60] and the preference of many District residents for independent statehood. Further, retrocession may require a constitutional amendment as the District's role as the seat of government is mandated by the District Clause of the U.S. Constitution.[60][61] Retrocession could also alter the idea of a separate national

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