wiska : This Is An Un Official Fan Site Tribute
Vuiska, Wika, Anastasia G, Melody, Mila, Nastia Anastasija Maria Melody Mila Nastia Nastja Nastya Nastya C. Noemi Vuiska Zoccola
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wiska

Circa 2007, Wiska's identity was revealed in Ukraine after a family interview for one of the local tabloids, which attracted journalistic interest and launched her as a national celebrity posing for mainstream media.
Anastasiya Pavlivna Gryshai, professionally known as Wiska, is a Ukrainian model and retired pornographic actress of Belarusian origin. A married mother of three, Anastasiya is the first pornographer to take refuge in the EU (namely the Czech Republic) and apply for a political asylum due to their professional activities.[1] Contents 1 Early life and porn career 2 Persecution 3 Asylum seeking 4 References 5 External links 5.1 News publications 5.2 Porn industry dossiers Early life and porn career Anastasiya was born in Gomel but grew up in the Crimean city of Feodosia where she met her husband Oleksandr.[2] In 2003, Oleksandr was convicted and imprisoned for 8 years for a vehicle arson. The couple states that imprisonment was result of a business dispute and the reason for Anastasiya's out-of-need family-supporting porn career.[3] Anastasiya claims her first porn shooting took place in Russia in 2004, where she was paid $500 per week, considerable money for Ukraine at that time.



Between 2004 and 2008, Anastasiya, nicknamed Wiska, starred in over 40 pornographic films, including at least one movie with Rocco Siffredi. Persecution In 2010, Ukrainian authorities began investigating Anastasiya's family living in Feodosia on the legal grounds of child abuse (including forensic examination of her children for possible sexual assault) and production and distribution of pornography (illegal in Ukraine since 2009).[5] The persecution was initiated by Leonid Hrach, then representing the Autonomous Republic of Crimea in Verkhovna Rada.[4][6] Anastasiya left Crimea with her family and moved to Kiev where she received support from FEMEN.[5] Asylum seeking In December 2012, Anastasiya and her family moved to the Czech Republic and applied for an asylum. As of August 2013, the family was denied asylum,[7] but continued to live in the Czech Republic near Prague and applied for legal residence there,[8] which they received on 2 September 2013 Anal Gate 3: Gaping Girls alternative title for Gaping Girls Suppliers listed Dirty Anal Nurses 2012, Dir. no data DVD available Suppliers listed Extreme DP Sluts 2 2012 R18 DVD available Suppliers listed From Russia with Love 2012 Gaping Girls 2007, Dir. David Perry DVD available Suppliers listed Glory Hole 2012 Happy Fucking New Year 2012 Lesbians and Double Dongs 2012 Luxure a l'Italienne alternative title for Sex Appeal skirt-up DVD available Notes available Suppliers listed Rebecca Sexy Moment 2013 Secret Diary of a Secretary 2012 Sex and Passion 2 2012 Sex Appeal skirt-up 2012, Dir. Joe Serrano DVD available Notes available Suppliers listed Sex Appeal skirt-up: Höschen runter! alternative title for Sex Appeal skirt-up DVD available Notes available Suppliers listed Sex Hospital 2 2012 Sex Is for Lovers 5 2012 Three's Company 5 2012 Smokers are not fully informed about the risks of smoking.[15] Warnings that are graphic, larger, and more comprehensive in content are more effective in communicating the health risks of smoking. Smokers who noticed the warnings were significantly more likely to endorse health risks, including lung cancer and heart disease.[15] In each instance where labelling policies differed between countries, smokers living in countries with government mandated warnings reported greater health knowledge.[16] Graphic warning labels on cigarette packs are noticed by the majority of adolescents, increase adolescents’ cognitive processing of these messages and have the potential to lower smoking intentions.[17] Based on extensive research of adolescents in the United States, the introduction of graphic warning labels has greatly reduced smoking among adolescents.[17] Other countries Tobacco packaging warning messages and smoking bans have been implemented in countries around the world. Others have implemented even more comprehensive policies. Reception and further international collaboration Now an accepted element of the public health arena, tobacco control policies and activity are seen to have been effective in those administrations which have implemented them in a co-ordinated fashion. The tobacco control community is internationally organized - as is its main opponent, the tobacco industry (sometimes referred to as 'Big Tobacco'). This allows for sharing of effective practice (both in advocacy and policy) between developed and developing states, for instance through the World Conference on Tobacco or Health held every three years. However, some significant gaps remain, particularly the failure of the US and Switzerland (both bases for international tobacco companies and, in the former case, a tobacco producer) to ratify the FCTC. Journal Tobacco Control is also the name of a journal published by BMJ Group (the publisher of the British Medical Journal) which studies the nature and implications of tobacco use and the effect of tobacco use upon health, the economy, the environment and society. Edited by Ruth Malone, Professor and Chair, Department of Social & Behavioral Sciences, University of California, San Francisco, it was first published in 1992. Opposition Direct and indirect opposition from the tobacco industry continue, for instance through the tobacco industry's efforts at misinformation via suborned scientists [18] and 'astroturf' counter-advocacy operations such In the early 20th century, German researchers made advances in linking smoking to health harms,[2][3][1] which strengthened the anti-tobacco movement in the Weimar Republic[4] and led to a state-supported anti-smoking campaign.[5] Early anti-tobacco movements grew in many nations from the middle of the 19th century.[6][7] The 1933–1945 anti-tobacco campaigns in Nazi Germany have been widely publicized,[8][9][10] although stronger laws than those passed in Germany were passed in some American states, the UK, and elsewhere between 1890 and 1930.[11][12] After 1941, anti-tobacco campaigns were restricted by the Nazi government.[9] The German movement was the most powerful anti-smoking movement in the world during the 1930s and early 1940s.[1] However, tobacco control policy was incoherent and ineffective, with uncoordinated and often regional efforts by many actors. Obvious measures were not taken, and existing measures were not enforced. Some[9] Nazi leaders condemned smoking[13] and several of them openly criticized tobacco consumption,[1] but others publicly smoked and denied that it was harmful.[9] There was much research on smoking and its effects on health during Nazi rule,[14] and it was the most important of its type at that time.[15] A directly-supported tobacco research institute produced work of only marginal scientific importance,[16] but substantial academic work was done privately, with little to negative official support.[3][9] Adolf Hitler's personal distaste for tobacco[17] and the Nazi reproductive policies were among the motivating factors behind the Nazi campaigns against smoking.[18] The Nazi anti-tobacco campaign included banning smoking in trams, buses, and city trains,[1] promoting health education,[19] limiting cigarette rations in the Wehrmacht, organizing medical lectures for soldiers, and raising the tobacco tax.[1] The Nazis also imposed restrictions on tobacco advertising and smoking in public spaces, and regulated restaurants and coffeehouses.[1] These measures were widely circumvented or ignored.[9] The movement did not reduce the number of smokers. Tobacco use increased rapidly in the early years of the Nazi regime, between 1933 and 1939.[20] The number of smokers increased from 1939 to 1945, but cigarette consumption declined;[9][21] rationing towards the end of the war[9] and post-war poverty[1] meant that the increasing numbers of smokers could not buy as many cigarettes.[9] Nazi-related nicotine marketing messages have often been used to oppose tobacco control, and criticized for historical inaccuracy.[10][9] Even by the end of the 20th century, the anti-smoking movement in Germany had not attained the influence of the Nazi anti-smoking campaign. Germany has some of the weakest tobacco control measures in Europe, and German tobacco research has been described as "muted".[20] Contents 1 Prelude 2 Research 3 Political motives 3.1 Hitler's attitude towards smoking 3.2 Economic and xenophobic reasons 3.3 Reproductive and health policies 4 Measures 4.1 Propaganda 4.2 Nichtraucherschutz (the protection of non-smokers) 4.3 Women and children 4.4 Military regulations 5 Countermeasures and obstacles 6 Economic pressures 7 Effectiveness 8 Association with antisemitism and racism 9 After World War II 10 See also 11 References 11.1 Citations 11.2 Sources 12 Further reading Prelude An 1898 cartoon of a train in Bavaria. Woman: Smoking isn't allowed in this compartment, it clearly says "For non-smokers" outside! Smoker: But we aren't smoking outside, we're smoking inside! Anti-smoking measures have a long history in German-speaking areas. For instance, in 1840, the Prussian government reinstated


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